INTRODUCTION

Indigenous peoples maintain elements of their traditional cuisines as a way of preserving identity in the face of modern and industrialized foods that contribute to the deterioration of health and life systems (Toledo and Barrera-Bassols 2008, Kuhnlein 2017, Wilson and Shukla 2020). The way of transmitting food knowledge has been oral and is documented through various means, such as the use of ingredients and recipes (Christie 2002, Bak-Geller 2013). Recipes are dynamic with constant changes, due to trends in local-global and urban-rural consumption, which tend to generate direct pressures on what is eaten and how it is eaten, sometimes conditioned on access or homogenizing of the forms of consumption of the ingredients (Levine et al. 2017).

Cookbooks make visible indigenous peoples’ traditional diet in a way that safeguards food knowledge (Vernot 2019). Likewise, cookbooks can serve to disseminate or popularize food cultures. However, they are also perceived as elements of appropriation and colonization, as they do not always reflect and acknowledge the food contexts of groups or peoples, such as indigenous communities (Bak-Geller 2013, Stolz 2021). Therefore, cookbooks can be a critical tool for studying food dynamics and the lifestyles linked to their environment.

In this study we explore food through ingredient identification based on the food knowledge of an indigenous community in Baja California. In Baja California, native groups, as emphasized by Wilken-Roberson (2018), preserve food practices and knowledge encompassing biological and cultural diversity. However, because of the absence of a writing system, this knowledge has been orally transmitted through generations (Piñón 2000).

We emphasize the importance of documenting food knowledge for cultural identity and recognizing the territory as an ingredient source. We employ participatory research involving the Kumiai community in San José de la Zorra, focusing on food-related knowledge sharing. The aim is to develop elements for a community recipe proposal. The analysis covers ingredient management, acquisition, transformation, and consumption processes, addressing two central questions: What knowledge and ingredients are vital in the community’s food system, and how can the cookbook facilitate food knowledge exchange and transdisciplinary collaboration?

CONCEPTUAL APPROACH

Food knowledge with a biocultural approach

Native peoples’ diets are intrinsically linked to bioculturality, encompassing knowledge rooted in the historical relationship between nature and society, particularly in the context of food (Boege 2008). The term bioculturality is addressed with the approach of the relationship that integrates the biological and cultural realms, manifested through the knowledge, uses, and customs of peoples who have developed a close relationship with nature (Luque et al. 2012). In this sense, the traditional knowledge of indigenous and non-indigenous peoples connected to nature is essential for its management, encompassing skills and practices developed through experiential learning (Toledo and Barrera-Bassols 2008).This knowledge encompasses various aspects of food, including preservation, fermentation, cooking techniques, and resource acquisition methods like fishing, gathering, or agriculture, all closely related to the natural resources of their environment (Christie 2002).

In Mexico, bioculturality thrives on cultural and biological diversity, particularly evident in the utilization of natural food resources by indigenous communities (Ordóñez 2018). Yet, there is a scarcity of information on the current food knowledge of these communities in the northwestern region of Mexico (Lucero 1995, Cruz 2015, Gutierrez et al. 2022). In Baja California, native groups preserve their food practices and knowledge through gathering, fishing, and limited hunting within local ecosystems, relying on orally transmitted wisdom about biological and cultural diversity (Wilken-Roberson 2018).

This study adopts a biocultural approach that recognizes the significance of both cultural and biological diversity in recipe design, incorporating locally rooted food knowledge and ingredients (Toledo 2013). The recipes embrace the unique attributes of food knowledge from a biocultural perspective, striving to establish a connection with the territory’s ingredient-related knowledge (Dunn 2017).

Recognize food knowledge, decolonize cookbooks

Cookbooks, especially indigenous ones, play a crucial role in shaping critical and decolonizing narratives about food, vital for local ecosystem management and food sovereignty (Bak-Geller 2013, Joseph and Turner 2020). Fredericks and Anderson (2013) highlight how these cookbooks address not just ingredients and processes but also the challenges and obstacles faced in reviving traditional food practices due to evolving preferences, land inaccessibility, economic barriers, and other structural issues.

In history, traditional food systems were shaped by colonial powers and the imposition of a colonialist diet linked to the production of global market goods like sugar, coffee, wheat, and rice. This displaced local foods in colonized communities’ diets (Holt-Giménez 2017). Cookbooks act as historical archives, encapsulating the essence of places, their people, memories, and culinary innovations (Christie 2002, Levine et al. 2017). These recipe collections have long been used to exchange information about food systems, fostering the sharing of experiences and knowledge that can enhance the recognition of territories and livelihoods (Elliott et al. 2012, Vernot 2019).

Wilson and Shukla (2020) argue that cookbooks can function as customized food guides, catering to the unique needs, preferences, voices, and perspectives of specific populations. Although historically cookbooks have preserved local culinary wisdom and represented national food cultures (Bak Geller 2009), it is vital to critically assess their discourse, as some may sideline the knowledge and eating practices of distinct groups, potentially contributing to processes of colonization through a homogenized food perspective (Fredericks and Anderson 2013). The concept of food colonization arises as a crucial lens for examining power dynamics, colonial legacies, and global disparities in food access (Spedding 2010). Hence, some authors suggest that decolonizing food entails questioning modes of production, asking who has access to some types of foods, and challenging dominant narratives regarding food quality and diversity (Holt-Giménez 2017, Peña et al. 2017).

Nowadays, there are examples of cookbooks that question discourses and contexts related to food access, contamination, and diversity (De la Barrera Montpellier et al. 2019). These books narrate the origin of ingredients, highlight the differences between industrialized and local foods, and present accessible, high-quality, and environmentally responsible food alternatives. They also address social issues such as the disappearance of people (https://www.recetarioparalamemoria.com/), the recognition of territory, and traditional ways of eating (https://www.communitycookbookarchive.org).

In Mexico, a collection of 78 volumes on popular and indigenous cuisines spans all 32 states, initiated by the federal government’s Ministry of Culture (Piñón 2000, Secretaría de Cultura 2022). However, these recipes often lack depth in describing ingredients, food preparation, and transformation processes. Indigenous knowledge-based ingredients and methods often remain obscured by modern practices, rarely finding a place in national dietary plans or everyday recipes (de Suremain et al. 2016).

In the academic and political context, various initiatives spotlight indigenous food cultures, including cooking festivals, cookbooks, restaurants, and community museums (García García and Jasso Martínez 2021, Ramos Roca and Bak-Geller Corona 2024). Beyond merely offering recipes and ingredient lists, a cookbook can highlight the cultural diversity and social-ecological relationships indigenous peoples maintain within their food systems.

COMMUNITY CONTEXT

The Kumiai people of Baja California shifted from semi-nomadic to settled communities during the 18th century because of mission arrivals and foreign colonization, drawn by the peninsula’s natural resources (Magaña 2009). This population historically did not practice agriculture; rather, it is a contemporary practice now integrated into the current food culture. San José de la Zorra Kumiai community, located 58 kilometers from Ensenada, is isolated, with the nearest town, Valle de Guadalupe, 18 kilometers away (Leyva and Espejel 2017, Andrade-Sánchez et al. 2021). The community comprises 167 residents, with women constituting 58%. Economic activities encompass livestock, crafts, tourism, and small-scale agriculture, with a notable focus on craftsmanship (INEGI 2020).

In the San José de la Zorra community, various studies have identified challenges such as language loss, socio-environmental issues, and territorial conflicts affecting traditional knowledge (Lucero 1995, Cruz 2015, Wilken-Robertson 2018, Andrade-Sánchez et al. 2021). Similarly, given the growing importance of local cuisine for tourism development in the Valle de Guadalupe population center, there is a reappropriation of traditional foods and preparations (Gutiérrez et al. 2022). On the other hand, reproducing traditional food practices is linked to a way of continuing cultural traditions, especially considering the loss of elders who possess knowledge about the acquisition and preparation of traditional foods.

METHODOLOGICAL PROCESS

The research was conducted by a transdisciplinary team consisting of researchers in gastronomy, design, and ecology, as well as women from the community. The participating researchers have collaborated with the community through educational workshops with an environmental and social focus, fostering a close relationship of trust and community support that has enabled the exchange of knowledge.

The primary goals were to identify food knowledge and practices and analyze women’s knowledge, emphasizing biological and cultural diversity. The process led to co-designing a cookbook to address the lack of documented resource practices for the community’s food system (Kuhnlein et al. 2006). The idea of a cookbook was suggested because there were no written records of the community’s unique food preparations or ingredients. Consequently, the aim of the cookbook was to return to the community a tangible document showcasing the outcomes of the collaborative research process, thereby allowing them to see themselves represented. This process allowed a horizontal exchange of knowledge with different perspectives about preparations and ingredients that either adapt to or are inherent to the territory.

Ingredients most used in the current community context were identified, using the kitchen as a space for knowledge exchange and community food needs assessment. This exploration covered daily, seasonal, and special occasion meals, revealing diverse food procurement, processing, and consumption methods, predominantly associated with grandmothers, aunts, and mothers, and some men contributing, especially in processes like barbecues and flour tortilla preparation.

Selection of participants

Between October 2021 and August 2022, we collaborated with a group of 10 Kumiai women, who closely participated in the interview and cooking processes. The women were invited to collaborate voluntarily, to encourage their free and dynamic participation. Together, we identified that the women possess essential knowledge about traditional foods and play a central role in the daily nutrition of their families. Additionally, they engage in craftwork, the community’s primary economic activity, fostering a direct connection with nature. The age range of the participants was 19 to 60 years. As part of the process, the people were informed of the study objective, and an informed consent was signed by the traditional community authority (Appendix 1).

Methodology

We conducted qualitative research using the participatory action research method to understand community food use and symbolism (McCune et al. 2019). It was proposed to collaboratively develop the documentation processes with the participating women, with the aim that they themselves would identify and recognize the foods and food processes of their community. This approach fosters self-recognition and self-management within indigenous and peasant communities regarding their lifestyles and territories (Leff 2019, as cited in Pérez-Ruíz and Argueta-Villamar 2019). From 2021 to 2022, we conducted nine workshops organized by the researchers and supported by collaborators. Additionally, five semi-structured interviews and participant observations were carried out during community visits (Taylor and Bogdan 1978, Pérez-Ruíz and Argueta-Villamar 2019, Merçon 2021). We employed audiovisual documentation, flipchart activities, and note-taking. Discourse analysis of interviews, photos, and workshop descriptions was used to answer two key questions: What knowledge and ingredients are integral to the community food system, and how can the cookbook facilitate knowledge exchange and transdisciplinary collaboration? The cookbook proposal promotes an engaging dialogue about indigenous preparations and exchanges knowledge about local foods that were adapted over time in the region. This discourse on food is regarded as a tool that highlights different disciplines and forms of knowledge, like, traditional knowledge, dietary diversity, and territorial management.

Workshops

The workshops aimed to facilitate knowledge exchange and assess local resource needs (Kuhnlein et al. 2006, Míguez-Passada 2022). They highlighted representative food resources, preparations, ingredients, and seasonal availability of wild and cultivated foods. These workshops were conducted by the researchers with support in dissemination and management from some collaborators, and were held in a community kitchen. These workshops encouraged hands-on food preparation, promoting integration and knowledge exchange regarding traditional and contemporary foods.

Interviews

Five semi-structured interviews were carried out, which were accompanied by five cooking sessions at the interviewees’ homes, through active participation to exchange knowledge about different ingredients. The women who participated in the preparation of recipes were proposed and identified by the same people from the community and respectfully approached to discuss their participation in the process.

Cookbook

Dynamics were carried out that motivated participants to connect with their traditional knowledge about food. From the women, it was proposed to co-create a cookbook design for the community. The structure of this cookbook includes identifying representative community foods, food seasons, representative recipes, recipes translated into the mother language, a cultivation calendar, and a vocabulary in the Kumiai language about identified foods.

Analysis of data

Thematic analysis, grounded in the interpretive paradigm, utilized an inductive process to create categories: representative ingredients, wild and cultivated plant seasons, and types of preparation as modes of food use (Braun and Clarke 2006). Facilitating knowledge exchange was pivotal for understanding social reality and fostering horizontal relationships between community and scientific language (Míguez-Passada 2022). This facilitated the sharing of traditional food practices, aligning with the biocultural perspective, emphasizing the significance of wild and cultivated species in local knowledge and recipes.

Ethics

This paper references phrases discussed in a collective dialogue process with person’s names replaced by participants to respect confidentiality. The research underwent review by the institutional ethics committee at the Autonomous University of Baja California, adhering to the International Code of Ethics standards. This included obtaining informed consent from the traditional authority of the Kumiai community of San José de la Zorra, and presenting the project and advocacy products to the community (Appendix 1).

RESULTS

Recognition of ingredients and practices in community foodways

The group of women who participated in this study identified traditional and contemporary ingredients from their community food system, which includes ways of obtaining, processing, and consumption, as shown in Figure 1. Some contemporary ingredients are grown by them, such as grapes, pumpkins, and figs; others obtained externally (purchased): beans, wheat, oil, butter, sugar, and coffee; by gathering: yucca flower, mustard leaf, acorns, medicinal herbs; and livestock: dairy, eggs, and meat, to name a few.

The mentioned ingredients are the base of the traditional diet: acorns, mustard leaves, purslane, desert hyacinths, and yucca flowers. As for the preparations, acorn porridge is an ancient traditional food that stands out as an identity food. They also recognize traditional foods that incorporate contemporary ingredients, such as the flour tortilla. The incorporation of easily accessible industrialized foods is also identified, which replace traditional ingredients, such as refined flour instead of wild wheat, and sugar instead of honey, which have to do with the use of the environment.

Cultural exchange has introduced new foods and preparations, like the adoption of chili peppers for sauces, which were reportedly not part of the native diet in the past. The production of wine, cheeses, and jams, influenced by nearby tourism in the Guadalupe Valley, has also been identified. The community acknowledges that cultural elements such as practices like gathering and preparing traditional foods contribute to their cultural identity| and to the community heritage, as a collaborator from the community said: “tenemos elementos patrimoniales como la gastronomía, la artesanía, el turismo, cosmogonía” [“We have heritage elements such as gastronomy, handicraft, tourism, and cosmogony”] (Personal communication, October 2021).

Despite the introduction and consumption of contemporary or modern foods, the community continues its traditional dietary practices, which serve as a form of cultural resistance and connection with the local environment. These practices, like collecting or cooking traditional ingredients from the local environment, have enabled the transmission of traditional knowledge about ancient ways of life. Within the processes of exchanging knowledge in the workshops, it was possible to propose the community cookbook as a tool to integrate those foods and knowledge that show community environmental and culinary diversity, preparations that are considered representative for individuals and for the group of women.

Practices to obtain food: small agriculture and collecting from the wild

During the cooking workshops, some traditional foods were brought up to recognize traditional practices linked to the use of wild species and some practices related to small-scale production for self-consumption and livelihoods. We identified foods according to the seasons of the year; this allowed us to have an integrated discussion about ingredients considered traditional or contemporary, some that remain in use, and also some difficulties around the environment where these are collected or cultivated. The participants recognized two important seasons of the year marked by the climate of the area: autumn-winter and spring-summer (see Fig. 2) as shown in discussions from the workshop:

Las temporadas son las que marcan los tiempos para poder sembrar, marzo, abril y hasta mayo. Siempre se espera cuando hay luna llena, que dice que es mejor para que crezcan las plantas [The seasons determine the timing for planting, from March through April and even May. We always wait for the full moon, because it says it is better for plants to grow] (Personal communication, October 2021).

La bellota también tiene su tiempo, todo tiene su tiempo y eso sirve para el recetario y aparte para información de las personas que vienen. A lo mejor van a querer recetas fuera de tiempo y pues ya no y eso pedir información [Acorns also have their season. Everything has its time, which is useful for the recipe book and also for informing people who visit. They might want recipes that are out of season, but then we won't have them, so it's important to ask for information] (Personal communication, October 2021).

The autumn-winter season involves minimal cultivation and harvesting activity, while the spring-summer season sees the highest level of activity. They employ all seasons for various purposes related to plant cultivation and the gathering of wild plants.

Crops and seasons of contemporary foods

Some family farming practices serve either food self-sufficiency or commercial purposes. The crops that have a presence within the community in the spring-summer season are some fruit trees, vineyard, corn, and beans. Vegetables and legumes such as star squash and green beans are grown in the summer season. Some community members gather wild cacti like nopal (Opuntia spp.), in August and maintain cultivation throughout the year.

The influence of the wine-gastronomic market of the nearby Guadalupe Valley has promoted the cultivation of vineyards in the community for commercial purposes, as in the case of the community project of “Kumiai vineyard,” which bears fruit in the summer season. This knowledge was acquired through a historic context, where the introduction of grape cultivation by Spanish missionaries in the 17th century and the arrival of the Russian community in the Guadalupe Valley in the 20th century spurred viticulture in the region (Leyva and Espejel 2017). Wineries were established, making grape cultivation the primary agricultural activity in the present-day Guadalupe Valley area. Some Kumiai natives have found employment in this industry, gaining knowledge about wine production, which now serves as a source of livelihood for some families in the San José de la Zorra community.

The growing months are March to September. The harvest season is August to September when there is the greatest availability of fruits such as figs, peaches, apricots, grapes, apples, and plums. Aromatic herbs such as rosemary, lavender, mint, and cilantro are cultivated on a small scale, the first two are used throughout the year, and the last one in the spring-summer season.

The need to cultivate some wild plants for their availability is emphasized because ruderal and invasive plants, such as mustard and cress, and native plants, such as sage and oak, are identified as important for culture and their culinary use. The cultivation of mustard is particularly highlighted as it represents a food that people enjoy and can only obtain during the spring season. Few people outside the community are aware of its culinary use, given that it is considered an invasive plant (http://www.conabio.gob.mx/malezasdemexico/brassicaceae/brassica-nigra/fichas/ficha.htm).

Collecting wild traditional foods

The traditional practice of gathering wild plants remains in force to this day. This particular practice is important for the Kumiai of the community because those who recognize the use of the plants, assign it a seasonal sustenance function that contributes to their diet. In spring they consume the mustard leaf (Brassica nigra) mainly in stews. This is an invasive plant that displaces the native ones; however, the community considers it important for its integration into the traditional diet. Its preparation uses a traditional technique: boiling water and immersing the leaves to remove the bitterness, making them edible even when they cannot be consumed directly because of their bitter taste.

Other plants collected in spring include white sage (Salvia apiana), chia seed (Salvia columbariae), and chaparral yucca flower (Hesperoyucca whipple). The culinary use of white sage involves gathering tender stems in March-April, as well as utilizing the leaves to flavor food preparations. Additionally, it is a highly significant plant for the community because of its ritual purpose and medicinal properties, serving as a respiratory remedy. Excessive commercial use and outsiders’ unawareness of collection practices concern the community, potentially impacting its natural availability.

Other foods collected in the spring are watercress (Nasturtium officinale) and purslane (Portulaca oleracea; Fig. 3). Although they can be found in streams or water sources throughout the year, it has been acknowledged that their prime season is during winter and early spring. The month of April is the month with the greatest availability of wild plants.

Among the wild foods collected in summer, participants mentioned islay (Prunus ilicifolia), a wild fruit native to the coastal-chaparral shrubland, described as having a tomato and cherry flavor. They also identified the manzanita (Arctostaphylos spp.) as an edible fruit. The fall season is identified as a low season for gathering, however, in early November, the coastal oak acorns (Quercus agrifolia) are collected. This nut is important for women because they consider it an ancestral food. Another traditional food is wild hyacinth (Dipterostemon capitatus) or coquitos (name given for some native and local people) that appear after the rainy season in winter on the slopes of the hills (Personal communication, August 2022).

Gathering practices play a vital role in preserving cultural knowledge, as they reflect ancestral traditions. During workshops, the significance of documenting the harvesting of wild plants and their seasonal availability was emphasized:

Hace falta documentar el proceso de la comida, como el quiote, vas lo cortas, lo coces, lo desamargas y todo eso y ya saldría un proceso completito para recordar [It’s necessary to document the food preparation process, such as with the “quiote flower.” You harvest it, cut it, cook it, remove the bitterness, and so on. This would provide a complete process to remember] (Personal communication, November 2021).

The identification of seasons represents a collaborative effort by the women in the community, merging their individual knowledge into a collective body of community knowledge. This integration of traditional food and ecological knowledge led to the creation of a community dissemination calendar, which stands as a valuable contribution to the community’s (see Fig. 2).

The calendar is divided into four seasons: winter, spring, summer, and autumn. The boxes within Figure 2 incorporate part of the community’s knowledge regarding the seasonal patterns observed in the area. Additionally, the calendar includes foods that are cultivated and foraged, as mentioned by the participants, presented with their common names in Spanish and English, along with their scientific names. The inclusion of the scientific name serves to precisely identify the referenced plant, given the potential confusion arising from different species that could share the same common name.

The women view nature as an integral part of their worldview, expressing concerns about the diminishing availability of natural resources crucial to traditional food and livelihoods. They noted reduced wild resource availability because of prolonged droughts, seasonal changes, and the emergence of pests, particularly affecting essential ingredients like acorns. Furthermore, a preference for easily accessible ultra-processed foods, often from external sources, has shifted younger generations’ food preferences away from traditional options. Despite this, harvesting practices continue to be a prominent aspect of the community food system.

Recipes to recognize and exchange experiences

The cookbook process empowers women with food knowledge, giving them voice in their culinary traditions for current and future generations. Identifying seasonal ingredients, particularly those available during spring-summer, were crucial for creating some traditional preparation that includes leaves. Twelve recipes were documented, eight traditional food preparations: acorn porridge, mustard stew, wheat stew, flour tortillas, acorn coffee, purslane with meat, beans, and corn in broth, mint water with the wild herb; and four contemporary preparations: beef barbacoa, nopales with egg, summer fruit jams, and wheat flour bread gorditas vaqueras. Two traditional recipes, acorn porridge, and mustard stew, were chosen for translation into the Kumiai language (Appendix 2); this was significant because there were no prior records of community recipe translation in the original language.

Contemporary preparations are understood as those that incorporate modern ingredients, such as sugar for making jams and industrial flour, as well as recipes that are not native to the community and come from outside sources. Additionally, when a modern ingredient is added to a traditional recipe, it is considered an innovation.

Throughout the cooking process, knowledge discussions arose encompassing the handling of both wild and cultivated ingredients, alongside various techniques for food processing such as canning cactus in brine, cooking mustard leaves, and drying acorns to extend their shelf life. Each dish carries a personal narrative within its cultural context, acting as a bridge to the community’s environment, spanning from harvesting to preparation. These recipes emphasize the importance of traditional foods and the associated values, including environmental stewardship and community bonds, as an abundance of food fosters social interaction within the community.

The structure of the recipes plays a pivotal role, highlighting the unique authorship of each dish’s preparer. It includes the dish’s name, the names of the preparation’s authors, required ingredients, and necessary utensils. Moreover, it underscores the preparation’s cultural and environmental significance. Nutritional information per 100g serving, botanical details, and dishes featuring ingredients from the immediate natural surroundings were incorporated (see Fig. 4). Traditional and wild foods often lack comprehensive nutritional information (Lucero 1995). Hence, these inclusions facilitate community discussions about the nutritional aspects of both traditional and contemporary foods.

Each recipe includes a brief history, drawing from collective memory, and generational knowledge. For instance, acorn porridge is highlighted as a staple of ancestral hunter-gatherers. The integration of beans, wheat, and barley into the community diet is attributed to interactions with Russian, Japanese, and Spanish settlers.

Certain preparations hold significance during community festivities, like barbacoa (beef slow-cooked underground), a dish found across Mexico with local variations based on species and meats used. In the community, the tradition initially centered around lamb, influenced by the presence of sheepherders. Preparing barbacoa is a family ritual involving various steps, from animal slaughter to sauce preparation, hole-digging, firewood gathering, and a 24-hour cooking process (Fig. 5). This context embodies knowledge shaping the community’s current food system, evolving through the exchange of traditional and contemporary preparations over time.

Participating women indicated the importance of preserving and sharing community food knowledge to uphold their culture and foster respectful resource management. The cookbook conveys insights into the challenges facing traditional food resources’ availability while acknowledging the individuals who safeguard food knowledge.

DISCUSSION

This research on food knowledge arises from the integration of elements of oral culture to reconsider the transmission of cultural heritage linked to the use of natural resources (availability and accessibility) and daily food practices (adaptations and innovations). The persistence of knowledge through recipes and relationships with local biodiversity, such as cultivation or collection methods, is evident and can be integrated into local economic dynamics (Torres-Méndez et al. 2019). Through the discussion of knowledge, it was possible to identify those foods gathered and cultivated that were important to their food culture, highlighting the recognition of food knowledge connected to the territory and the seasons of the year.

The Importance of Knowledge and Ingredients in the Community Food System

For the community, traditional knowledge about the gathering and cultivation of wild and cultivated foods is essential for their food system. This includes not only knowing which foods are safe and nutritious, but also how to gather and cultivate them sustainably, respecting natural cycles and local biodiversity. The ingredients that are an integral part of the community food system are those closely linked to their culture and territory, but which are somehow susceptible to transformation because of alterations in the territories and the homogenization of the diet (Christie 2002, Torres-Méndez et al. 2019). These changes can manifest through territorial conflicts, deforestation processes, and the abandonment of traditional practices by the community, challenges currently faced (Merçon 2021).

The results reveal that, despite the existence of various wild foods available for consumption, there has been a perceived decrease in their availability in recent years. This decline can be attributed to various circumstances, such as territorial demarcation, population growth, succession of fires, and excessive extraction of commercially valuable plants by individuals outside the community (Andrade-Sánchez et al. 2021). This trend reflects a respect for nature by women who practice the principle of “taking only what is necessary,” a common practice among other indigenous groups where traditional practices and knowledge linked to the use and management of local nature persist (Boege 2008, Fredericks and Anderson 2013, Joseph and Turner 2020). A trend toward the consumption of readily available ultra-processed foods has been noted, a phenomenon attributed to generational changes (Kuhnlein 2017, Stolz 2021). These products are acquired externally through purchases or donations. Despite these changes in dietary preferences, traditional gathering practices continue to play an integral role in the community’s life. Stolz (2021) emphasizes the urgency for indigenous peoples to decolonize their diets, confronting Western influences such as dependency on ultra-processed ingredients and the loss of ancestral culinary traditions. This call to action emphasizes the importance of decolonizing food in indigenous communities as an essential process to revitalize ancestral culinary practices and restore the connection with the land and culture (Spedding 2010, Wilson and Shukla 2020).

Throughout the centuries, indigenous communities have faced the erosion of their traditional food systems as a result of colonial influence, the imposition of Western diets, and environmental degradation (Fredericks and Anderson 2013, Stolz 2021). However, in recent times, there has been a resurgence of interest in the recovery and preservation of native foods, cultivated and gathered sustainably, in line with the knowledge passed down by their ancestors. In response to this trend, women in the community have expressed the urgency of documenting their oral food knowledge because of the declining interest among younger generations in their culture and traditions. They believe that highlighting the use of wild and cultivated ingredients throughout the year is crucial for preserving their cultural heritage. Consuegra and colleagues (2021) emphasize that wild foods hold significant symbolic value for indigenous peoples, strengthening community ties through food-related activities.

In the case of the San José de la Zorra community, despite the introduction and influence of contemporary or modern foods and the variability in the availability of wild foods, some individuals persist in their traditional dietary practices as a form of cultural resistance and connection with the local nature. This persistence has allowed for the transmission of traditional knowledge about ancestral ways of life and the development of community actions that promote the conservation of traditional species, such as sage and oak.

In this sense, it is not simply about replicating the diet as it was in past times. Rather, decolonization is approached as an opportunity to reflect on new perspectives regarding food and the environments that enable nourishment, both in the past, present, and future (Peña et al. 2017). Over time, food has undergone changes and adaptations that have been culturally significant. Therefore, it is crucial to recognize the importance of elements present in the diet that come from a culinary tradition of the past.

The role of cookbooks in knowledge exchange and transdisciplinary collaboration

Although the interest in preserving traditional cuisines is growing (García García and Jasso Martínez 2021, Ramos Roca and Bak-Geller Corona 2024), it is essential to analyze the possible social changes arising from these efforts. Therefore, participatory research is vital to showcase community-driven proposals related to indigenous women’s food knowledge, shaped by their unique characteristics, values, and respectful use of their territories (Merçon 2021). In this regard, food knowledge aligns with respect for nature, characterized by recognizing the harvesting seasons of regionally endemic foods, adhering to the principle of “taking only what is necessary,” and striving to pass on this connection to future generations.

Given that community food is closely linked to the natural environment in which they live, and considering the need to document certain preparations considered important for the women of the community, it was proposed to collaborate in the creation of a cookbook. This initiative facilitated the exchange of knowledge about identity dishes, allowing for the recognition of the authors and the cultural, nutritional, and ecological significance of cooking. The cookbook was developed during the spring-summer season to take advantage of the availability of edible wild and cultivated species from two seasons. From the integration of the result, several copies were printed to be returned to the community.

Bak-Geller (2009) emphasizes that cookbooks serve as repositories of food culture and meaning, but their discourse requires scrutiny, especially in cases where they undermine the knowledge and dietary traditions of indigenous and peasant communities (Fredericks and Anderson 2013, Levine et al. 2017, Vernot 2019). Therefore, during the exchange and collection process, emphasis was placed on reviewing the document and the elements on which we reflected, because one goal was for the cookbook to reveal the essence of the cooks and community members who participated.

The cooking process for the cookbook was accompanied by a food exchange: “you prepare something that we consider representative of your culinary identity, and I, in turn, cook something that holds the same value for me.” This dynamic turned into an invaluable culinary exchange experience, allowing us to recognize the diversity of culinary techniques based on our cultural background and the foods found in the surrounding nature. In this way, the cookbook includes a biocultural approach, as food is linked to ingredients, representing the biological and cultural diversity associated with a territory. This includes the acknowledgment of ingredients from a particular environment through traditional knowledge (Toledo 2013).

However, this process can encounter significant challenges, including lack of access to land and resources, as well as the persistent influence of ultra-processed foods, which are often more accessible and affordable. Additionally, in some circumstances, there is a lack of interest from the younger generation to participate in the traditional food’s preparations. There is also the risk of cultural appropriation because of the massive gastronomic development occurring throughout the region. Therefore, the cookbook is not merely a collection of recipes to replicate, but also a tool for recognizing and sharing community food culture, promoting the exchange of knowledge, fostering transdisciplinary collaboration, and encouraging intercultural dialogue around food.

The creation of the cookbook fostered transdisciplinary collaboration between women from the community and researchers, where we reflected on traditional food and ecological knowledge that led to the cookbook’s creation. For us, learning was based on reflecting on three elements that can promote a cookbook: education, empowerment, and recognition as is shown in Figure 6. We consider it an educational tool because it can generate meaningful conversations and foster a deeper understanding of the complex aspects related to food and the surrounding nature. Similarly, it is perceived as a tool for recognition and communication because by actively involving women, they recognize each other as bearers of traditions, as well as acknowledging the cultural and natural richness of the indigenous community, which can strengthen their sense of belonging. Finally, the cookbook is seen as a tool for empowerment because it promotes organization around the capacity for self-management regarding their food heritage and the power to decide which foods are important for their diet and how they are prepared, rather than depending on diets imposed from outside the community. According to the participants, the cookbook serves to communicate and record for future generations community food, their ways of life, and territorial relationships.

CONCLUSION

This study documents ingredients, seasons, practices, and recipes in traditional and community food through dialogue with Kumiai women. It recognizes their knowledge and biocultural food relationships. The process, enriched by a collaborative, horizontal, and transdisciplinary exchange between researchers and indigenous women, led to the creation of a cookbook. This cookbook not only highlights the community’s food heritage but also serves as a model for recognizing and communicating the link between food and the territory, to enhance and strengthen the food identity around ecosystems.

LITERATURE CITED

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