Synthesis, part of a special feature on Beyond the Assessment on the Diverse Values of Nature: Hidden gems, Biases, Frontiers, Challenges, and Insights

INTRODUCTION

The Values Assessment (VA) of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) has shown that only a narrow set of values of nature, mainly those that provide economic benefits, is included in today’s political decisions (Pascual et al. 2023, Vatn et al. 2024). We postulate that the omission of a broader set of values, such as aesthetic, ecological, and spiritual values, represents a pervasive “indirect driver” of the current socio-environmental crises. This omission is linked to the grand narrative of economic progress that has propelled the so-called Great Acceleration. This acceleration began after World War II and is characterized by the explosive expansion of human activity, including increased population, economic growth, water and natural resource usage, food production, means of transportation, greenhouse gas emissions, and global warming (Steffen et al. 2007). In the 1950s, a set of primarily economic values was the focus of foundational documents about “world development” (Escobar 1995). For example, in Measures for the Economic Development of Underdeveloped Countries, the United Nations Department of Social and Economic Affairs stated the following:

There is a sense in which rapid economic progress is impossible without painful adjustments. Ancient philosophies have to be scrapped; old social institutions have to disintegrate; bonds of cast, creed and race have to burst; and large numbers of persons who cannot keep up with progress have to have their expectations of a comfortable life frustrated. Very few communities are willing to pay the full price of economic progress (UN 1951:13; emphasis added).

This economic perspective catalyzed the global replacement of local knowledge, values, and life habits. This “one-dimensional” economic approach is an “indirect driver” of processes that have brought interrelated losses of biological and cultural diversity to new scales of intensity and extension. In turn, this suppression has greatly accelerated long-term historical processes of biocultural homogenization worldwide (Rozzi 2018). The global application of a single mode of development, sustained by a narrow set of economic values, has erased and replaced local biodiversity and cultural habits as well as their interrelationships (Rozzi 2012). Consequently, ecosystem degradation and extinction of biological species (Kolbert 2011, McNeill and Engelke 2014), displacement of local peoples from their native habitats (Rozzi 2001, Borras et al. 2011, 2012, Bryan 2012), and losses of vernacular languages (Krauss 1992, Bromham et al. 2022) have been accelerated on a global scale since the mid-20th century.

In contrast with biocultural homogenization driven by a narrow set of values, we introduce the biocultural ethic. Differing from prevailing Western anthropocentric ethics and 20th-century forms of environmental ethics, which focus on Western philosophy and sciences (e.g., Leopold 1949), the biocultural ethic values both biological and cultural diversity as well as their interrelationships. These interrelationships imply valuing the vital links between diverse co-inhabitants whose life habits have co-evolved in shared habitats (Rozzi 2012). This approach is summarized by the “3Hs” model of the biocultural ethic.

The “3Hs” model offers a systemic and contextual approach to ethics. Habitat, in its etymological roots, is associated with the Greek word ethos, which in its archaic form meant a den. Through usage, its meaning came to include the dwellings of humans. Later, this noun became the verb “to dwell.” This dual noun-verb meaning of the Greek ethos is mirrored by the Latin words habitat and to inhabit. Moreover, from the action of inhabiting a habitat, habitual ways of inhabiting emerge configuring “habits” or recurrently performed behaviors, i.e., the ethos of animal or human inhabitants. In this etymological drift, the concept of ethos moves from signifying a biophysical space (the habitat) to meaning the act of dwelling in the habitat. In turn, it defines the identity of living beings that share the habitat, i.e., the co-inhabitants (both human and other-than-human subjects; Rozzi 2013).

For the IPBES-VA it is essential to remember that ethos is the Greek root of the word ethics. Unfortunately, this integral relationship between “habitat” and “inhabiting” was forgotten by prevailing modern Western ethics, which developed “as if humans and their identities could exist in isolation from their habitats and co-inhabitants” (Rozzi 2012:27). The conceptual omission of the links between habitats and habits has further sustained a Eurocentric approach that was imposed onto the colonies with minimal consideration for the native ethos, “as if indigenous ethics, and their intricate links with their habitats, would not exist or would be irrelevant” (Rozzi 2012:27). The lack of consideration for biological and cultural diversity, as well as their interrelationships in the planet’s heterogeneous regions, in addition to the narrow economic focus of development, has been an indirect driver of biocultural homogenization, which has been largely overlooked. To overcome this colonial gap in modern Western ethics, the “3Hs” provide a conceptual model that can guide transdisciplinary collaborations, such as those that took place at IPBES-VA. It does this by inferring policies to sustain biocultural diversity through the examination of ecological and cultural environments of local communities (habitats), those who live there (co-inhabitants), and their lifeways (habits) (Simion 2023).

Understanding biocultural diversity (sensu Maffi 2005, Bridgewater and Rotherham 2019) and biocultural conservation (sensu Rozzi et al. 2006, Gavin et al. 2015) and their implications for Earth Stewardship will help decision makers to address socio-environmental problems in more effective and just ways at local, regional, and global scales. In this vein, biocultural conservation and Earth Stewardship were integrated into one of the IPBES-VA’s proposed pathways to revitalize the multiple values of nature and foster sustainable and just futures (Martin et al. 2024).

IPBES-VA recognized four pathways that (potentially or actually) contribute to sustainability and socio-environmental justice. These include: (1) Green Economy, (2) Nature Protection, (3) Degrowth and Post-Growth, and (4) Earth Stewardship and Biocultural Conservation (Martin et al. 2024). Our article introduces the latter by explaining how the integration between biocultural conservation and Earth Stewardship was developed. First, in the IPBES-VA and other sources, we identified worldviews and values that guide sustainable management practices for land, freshwater, and coastal ecosystems, aiming to conserve their biological and cultural diversity. Second, we employed the “3Hs” model to examine a set of case studies that illustrate three themes prioritized by IPBES-VA: agroecological practices, education, and protected areas in various regions of the world (Fig. 1).

METHODS

To identify sustainable and non-sustainable practices and values associated with Earth Stewardship and biocultural diversity, this study involved extensive literature searches in indexed and non-indexed sources (e.g., books and reports), and our own ethnographic work. First, analyses of indexed publications were conducted using Web of Science (WOS), Scopus, and Google Scholar from April to May 2020. The searches were initially conducted for English articles. In WOS, the searches were performed at the “topic level” and involved three groups of search terms: “stewardship and biocultural,” “stewardship,” and “biocultural” (Table S1). These three were, in turn, combined with additional keywords shown in Table S1. Similar searches were conducted in Scopus and Google Scholar. We found that the number of records in Google Scholar was higher than in WOS and Scopus. For this reason, we combined multiple sources to obtain a comprehensive overview of the subject (Table S2). Second, regarding non-indexed sources, we conducted a bibliographic search on the internet, looking for publications in English and Spanish, based on the keywords listed in Table S2. We examined in depth books on Earth Stewardship, and the reports published by the Ecological Society of America that launched the Earth Stewardship Initiative in 2009. Third, our long-term work in biocultural conservation helped us to identify gray literature and information about case studies in Latin America and other regions of the world. Additionally, we paid special attention to concepts and case studies about sustainable and non-sustainable practices and values associated with Earth Stewardship and biocultural diversity belonging to three thematic areas, which the IPBES-VA prioritized: (1) agro- and forest-ecosystems, (2) education, and (3) protected areas. These themes illustrate diversity of stewardship concepts and practices and biocultural conservation in different regions of the world. We endeavored to maintain a balance among world regions.

The heuristic function of the “3Hs”

The “3Hs” model functions heuristically to identify communities (living in cities, rural areas, or remote areas) with cultural traditions that have ethical values that guide sustainable practices for the conservation of life in its biological and cultural diversity. Likewise, it helps to identify individuals, corporations, and social groups that prioritize short-term profit over public interest, putting personal gain above the common good. These values promote practices that have disproportionately negative social and environmental impacts. Recognizing these distinctions avoids holding all social sectors as equally responsible for the current global socio-environmental crisis. This is important because oftentimes the scientific and popular literature portray environmental problems as caused by “humanity.” However, the term “humanity” generalizes all human beings and their societies; therefore, it overlooks differences among humans and their various communities (e.g., Flannery 2006, Hoekstra and Wiedman 2014).

The “3Hs” model not only serves as a heuristic function to identify diverse types of communities, but it also provides an ethical orientation for incorporating the conservation of biological and cultural diversity into Earth Stewardship practices (Rozzi 2015, Bieling and Plieninger 2017). The Ecological Society of America (ESA) defined Earth Stewardship as a science that facilitates the active shaping of trajectories of social-ecological change to enhance ecosystem resilience and human well-being (Chapin et al. 2011, 2015). In this article, we understand Earth Stewardship as a transdisciplinary science, embedded in social and cultural actions that can be understood as biocultural practices because they operate at the interface of biophysical and cultural domains involving multiple forms of care for and management of the land that have evolved in contrasting societies (Rozzi 2015, Balvanera et al. 2021).

We organize our review linking each theme prioritized by the IPBES-VA to one of the “3Hs” of the biocultural ethic, as follows: (1) diversity of co-inhabitants that play key roles in agro- or forest-ecosystems; (2) life-habits that promote Earth Stewardship and can be fostered by concepts and methodologies of education; (3) habitats that are cared for in remote, rural, and/or urban ecosystems, within and beyond protected areas (Fig. 1).

RESULTS

1. Co-inhabitants: agro- and forest-ecosystems

Understanding that humans share habitats with a multitude of other living beings and geomorphic entities (such as rivers, mountains, rocks, or oceans) has ontological, epistemological, and ethical implications. Ontological, because human and other-than-human beings do not exist as isolated individuals, but rather in co-inhabitation interrelationships (May 2021). Epistemological, because to understand humans and other animals it is necessary to consider coevolutionary and co-inhabitation relationships that forge their identities and well-being (Esteban 2018, Rozzi 2019). Ethical, because humans share a habitat. Because humans possess reason and consciousness to a degree different from other animals, and today humans have an impact on the biosphere that is far greater than that of any other animal, humans are obligated to take care of it for the welfare of all beings (Andreozzi 2025). These core concepts of the biocultural ethic require humans to cultivate life habits that encompass a sense of co-inhabitation among the myriad living beings, most of which remain unnoticed by most people in global society (Rozzi 2019, Rozzi and Tauro 2023).

The concept of co-inhabitant is consistent with the ecological worldviews of numerous Indigenous peoples, for whom there is often a sense of genealogical kinship (Salmón 2000, Turner and Bhattacharyya 2016, Turner and Reid 2022), as well as with scientific worldviews that have demonstrated an evolutionary kinship (Rozzi 1999). For example, science indicates that the set of biochemical reactions and metabolic processes that take place in the cells of both animal and plant organisms, which require oxygen to convert the energy of nutrients into molecules of adenosine triphosphate (ATP) is the same (Mazzarello 1999). Sharing cellular organelles, biochemical reactions, and metabolic processes demonstrates the genealogical kinship of co-inhabitants. In South American agro-ecosystems, we find that this contemporary science’s perspective resonates with Indigenous worldviews. For example, in Andean agro-ecosystems, the scientific comprehension of biochemical and metabolic processes is culturally expressed as “spirit.” All living creatures, domestic and wild, are perceived as having a “spirit” that must be respected (May 2017). For instance, an older woman from a Quechua community, who grows potatoes in the high Andes of Peru said, “You must respect (respetar) the potato really really well. If you treat her badly, she will give ... a smaller harvest ... You must care for potatoes with affection” (in Angé et al. 2018:34).

Indigenous Andean farmers intuitively understand the biochemical and metabolic processes but express them culturally, not scientifically. In South America, on the Andean Plateau the diversity of co-inhabitants is present in ancient and contemporary agroecological practices (Scott 2011). Agrobiodiversity has coevolved as co-inhabitation between humans and other living beings. In fact, the Peruvian Andes are identified as one of the eight “centers of origin” of agriculture. Plant domestication in this center dates back at least 8000 years (NRC 1989). Here, women have traditionally been responsible for selecting, storing, planting, and harvesting the seeds and tubers of potatoes and other plants.

As shown in the example of the Quechua woman who holds that the potato must be “respected,” Quechua women engage agricultural plants, such as potatoes, as living beings with whom they can communicate (Fig. 2). This communication goes both ways, because women hold that potatoes are able to perceive whether humans respect them. If respected, potatoes grow well; in contrast, if they are not respected, their growth process will come to an end. As the Quechua woman said, “If you treat her badly, she will give ... a smaller harvest.” In this sense, the subjectivity of the potato is linked to a particular type of intentionality (Angé et al. 2018). Potatoes are perceived as having “agency,” that is, the ability to respond and act. Potato reproduction requires a reciprocal circulation of respect, which is not just a normative stipulation.

In Peru a Potato Park has been established where people gather to celebrate their local ancestral culture (Argumedo et al. 2021). In the everyday life of Quechua communities, respect is an affection that frames human interactions with plants and animals. Plants like potatoes and animals such as llamas are not “mere natural resources,” but co-inhabitants that participate in rituals, agricultural, and breeding practices (Mamani-Bernabé 2015, May 2015, Rozzi 2015). Relationships of co-inhabitation are widespread in the Andean Region even today.

In Asia, Japan hosts an exemplary agricultural landscape known as satoyama, which includes forests, agricultural fields, grasslands, and irrigation systems (Shibata 2015). For example, satoyama farmers on Sado Island in western Japan engage in environmental farming through three interrelated practices: first, by reducing the use of agricultural chemicals and artificial fertilizers; second, by managing rice paddies in a way that provides suitable habitats for fish and insects (Johnson et al. 2023); and third, by re-introducing the Crested Ibis or “Toki bird” (Nipponia nippon), which is used as a flagship species (Fig. 3). “Flagship” refers to charismatic and culturally significant animals and other organisms that inspire the desire to protect them and other life forms as well (Zhu 2023). In the case of the satoyama farmers, the Toki bird, endemic to eastern Asia, inspires them to manage their rice paddies in co-inhabitation with birds (Johnson et al. 2023).

In the Osaki region of northern Japan, satoyama landscapes are sustained by ancient practices of domestication, which are embedded in paddy rice agriculture. In this region, subject to drought, flooding, and cold temperatures, agricultural plants have coevolved in lowland swamps and wetlands (Imai et al. 2017). To secure food and to maintain their livelihoods under challenging environmental conditions, farmers have developed the Osaki Kôdo Sustainable Irrigation system, which focuses on the management of water and soil fertility. Agroecological practices carried out in these systems co-produce small forest gardens called igune. These forests surround houses situated amid the flooded landscape (Piras et al. 2022). The igune are home to a rich biodiversity, which promotes ecological health while also providing food and shelter for the farmers. Thus, igunes have instrumental value by providing a variety of ecosystem services. At the same time, by maintaining critical habitat for biodiversity, they express an appreciation for its intrinsic value. For centuries, the mosaics of paddies, gardens, and forests have sustained human communities and a high diversity of co-inhabitants.

In Europe, distinct forest and agro-ecosystems have been generated by landraces (i.e., farmer-developed populations of cultivated species linked to traditional cultures), involving a complex intertwining of biological and cultural diversity that continuously creates new adaptive responses to changing socioeconomic and ecological processes (Negri 2005). Among these distinct ecosystems, one of the ancestral biocultural forest types is characterized by the presence of domesticated chestnuts (Conedera et al. 2004, 2016). The distribution and cultivation history of the sweet chestnut (Castanea sativa) is the consequence of coevolutionary processes between humans and trees, involving ethnolinguistic diversity and cultural-historical events (Pollegioni et al. 2020). This tree species has a long history of human utilization in agroforestry, and their nuts are highly prized as a culinary source rich in nutrients (Tagliaferri and Di Lonardo 2016). The trees also have ornamental value (Agnoletti et al. 2022). Forests of the sweet chestnut are native to southern Europe and Asia Minor, and thrive in cool, moist soils. This wide distribution is partly due to Castanea sativa experiencing a significant boost following the Roman conquest, especially in the mountainous areas south of the Alps (Krebs et al. 2022). Because sweet chestnut is so prominent among the many European forest tree species that have been managed and planted for fruit production since ancient Rome, some authors refer to the “chestnut civilization” (Rao 2013). Ecological and cultural components are closely intertwined in these forest ecosystems, called in several European languages castagnetu. These are dominated by trees that fall between the wild and the domesticated ones (Agnoletti and Santoro 2015). Castgnetu forests have had a historical resilience that has sustained ecological and human communities to this day (Michon 2011).

(2) Habits: education to express the multiple values of co-inhabitants

A variety of educational programs have been designed to promote values aligned with the principles of Earth Stewardship, including relationships of care, respect, reciprocity, and responsibility toward the Earth and its co-inhabitants (May 2015, Tucker 2015). These programs incorporate diverse educational methodologies rooted in various religious and philosophical traditions, including Indigenous people and local communities. Notable examples are the philosophies of buen vivir (living well) in South America, and ubuntu (I am because we are) in South Africa (Callicott 1994, May 2017, Albó 2018, Rozzi et al. 2018). These philosophies are deeply rooted in biocultural traditions and teach ways of living, habits, that are consistent with, yet also promote, sustainable and meaningful relationships among co-inhabitants.

In South America, educational programs that promote habits centered on plural values and socio-environmental justice include grassroots movements, such as Landless Peasants (Sem Terra) in Brazil. This pedagogical approach focuses on territoriality, shaping individuals’ interactions with the land (Meek 2016). Sem Terra has institutionalized critical place-based education by establishing agroecological programs, which are funded through the Brazilian National Program of Agrarian Reform Education. Like educational approaches in other Indigenous people and local communities, Sem Terra emphasizes diversity and advocates for genuine intercultural dialogues. This converges with living well (buen vivir) principles of intercultural cooperation, reciprocity, collective action, and solidarity (MacIntyre et al. 2017, Fleuri and Fleuri 2017, Guerrero 2018, Mboyo 2019, Weber and Tascón 2020). The Sem Terra educational approach extends beyond formal schooling. It becomes an integral part of community everyday life, fostering close relationships with nature, guided by Indigenous and peasants’ worldviews and practices.

In Japan, one of the main focuses of environmental education and restoration programs is to reestablish sustainable resource management in rural areas by learning from traditional practices and exploring new possibilities of wise use. The Japanese word saisei (often translated as restoration), refers to revitalization rather than bringing back an ecosystem to a former condition. This is illustrated by the restoration of the Kamoko Estuary on Sado Island (Fig. 4). This restoration program has used the “3Hs” model (Rozzi 2013) to restore a habitat (the estuary) that enables the restoration of life habits (recreational navigation, oyster fishing) and the return of diverse co-inhabitants, including diverse forms of human cultures (fishers and other citizens in Kamoko) and biological species (oysters, reeds, and other wetland plants; Toyoda 2018). This example gained global recognition through the Satoyama Initiative, promoted by the Ministry of the Environment of Japan and the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, based in Tokyo. However, its revitalization includes not only the practice of satoyama (common-use forests), but also satoumi (common-use coastal resources) and satogawa (common-use rivers). The Japanese concept of sato refers to the close interrelationship between nature and culture, emphasizing the importance of shared management of natural resources. Hence, sato takes into consideration current environmental issues such as the conservation of biodiversity and the sustainable use of energy (Yanagi 2008, Centinkaya 2009, Berque and Matsuda 2013). In restoration projects, such as Kamoko, people learn about the current environmental problems as well as a broad set of ecological, educational, and aesthetic values of estuaries (Toyoda 2018).

In Europe, an educational example that promotes habits based on biocultural conservation practices and Earth Stewardship includes the “forest schools” (Waite et al. 2016). These provide children with hands-on learning amid nature (Kothari 2021). Forest schools are increasingly popular in the United Kingdom where the intersection between formal and informal approaches to learning has highlighted the need for primary schools to consider learning outside of the classroom as an effective pedagogy (Cree and McCree 2013, Garden and Downes 2023). Activities outside the classroom include learning through play that enhances collaboration and teamwork, contributing to children’s social, cognitive, emotional, and physical skill development (Becker et al. 2018, Coates and Pimlott‐Wilson 2019).

In northern Italy, the Village Forest School situated on a 500-year-old biodynamic farm in the vineyards of the Monferrato offers another example. Children from the age of 3.5 up to 14 follow a Rudolf Steiner-inspired curriculum that combines indoor and outdoor experiences in vineyards and woodlands. The curriculum is guided by the natural cycle of the annual seasons (Mazzino 2019). Understanding how the life cycles of co-inhabitants are coupled with the annual seasonality of their shared habitats helps students to value the necessity of synchronizing human activities with the life habits of plants, birds, and other organisms, particularly under the current conditions of rapid climate change (Rozzi et al. 2023a).

Recently, formal and non-formal education programs converge in forms of outdoor recreation, nature tourism, and ecotourism that include magnificent remote nature scenery places as well as rural and urban settings (Tauro et al. 2021, Santiago-Jimenez 2023), where activities range from passive (e.g., sitting, relaxing, or enjoying a view) to active (e.g., biking, hiking, or skiing; Becker et al. 2018). On the one hand, through this type of outdoor activity, participants broaden their epistemological diversity, including experiential, presentational, propositional, and practical ways of knowing about the environmental and biological diversity (Nicol 2003). On the other hand, participants of multiple ages develop more affective relationships to their local biological and cultural diversity, enhance their environmental sensitivity, and broaden their spectrum of nature and social values (Palmberg and Kuru 2000, Kårhus 2011, Sjöblom and Wolff 2017).

(3) Habitats: different types of protected areas

Interactions among co-inhabitants, as well as the values and life habits shaped by education, take place in specific habitats. Conservation of habitats concentrate a large part of the global efforts to conserve biodiversity through different types of “Protected Areas” (PA; Kareiva and Marvier 2012, Gillingham et al. 2015). Worldwide there are 245,848 PAs covering 245 countries and territories according to the World Database on Protected Areas (WDPA; UNEP-WCMC and IUCN 2019). However, as the IPBES-VA affirms, conservation efforts are not (and cannot be) restricted to the creation of protected areas (Barton et al. 2022, Vatn et al. 2024). To incorporate the plurality of values existing in communities and their life habits, conservation actions also must take place in urban habitats (Goddard et al. 2010, McDonnell and Hahs 2013, Rotherham 2015, Nilon et al. 2017) as well as agricultural fields and other rural landscapes (Maestas et al. 2003, Harvey et al. 2008, Scherr and McNeely 2008, Kumaraswamy and Kunte 2013, Baiamonte et al. 2015, Borón et al. 2016, Kremen and Merenlender 2018).

In the late 20th century, new conservation approaches and global programs recognized the interconnectedness of biodiversity, cultural heritage, and the values and practices of Indigenous and other local peoples to foster biocultural conservation and Earth Stewardship. Three of these global programs are widely distributed across the world.

(i) Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (ICCAs, https://www.iccaconsortium.org): Also known as “territories of life,” this initiative was launched at the 2003 International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) World Parks Congress. They were defined as “natural and/or modified ecosystems containing significant biodiversity values and ecological services, voluntarily conserved by (sedentary and mobile) indigenous and local communities, through customary laws or other effective means” (Corrigan and Granziera 2010:4). ICCAs encompass a wide variety of Indigenous peoples and local communities with idiosyncratic conservation practices and values, among them utilitarian, spiritual, cultural, and aesthetic values of nature (Borrini-Feyerabend et al. 2014, Enkerlin-Hoeflich et al. 2015, Mackey and Claudie 2015). Indigenous leaders highlight the crucial role of language preservation in biocultural conservation (Frainer et al. 2020, Loncon 2023). Language guides attitudes toward nature, and numerous studies document how Indigenous peoples and their territories are indeed key to safeguarding biodiversity for future generations (Fernández-Llamazares et al. 2024).

(ii) Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS, https://www.fao.org/giahs/en): This program was created in 2002 under the lead of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) to protect agricultural landscapes of high heritage value (Santoro et al. 2020). GIAHS often are landscapes of outstanding aesthetic beauty and maintain a significant fraction of global agricultural biodiversity (Koohafkan and Altieri 2011). To become a GIAHS, a traditional agricultural system needs to meet five criteria, which include having: (a) food and livelihood security; (b) biodiversity and ecosystem function; (c) knowledge systems and adapted technologies; (d) culture, value systems, and social organizations; and (e) remarkable landscapes and land and water resources management features from FAO (Koohafkan and Cruz 2011). GIAHs result from unique land-use systems and generate agricultural landscapes through long-term coevolution and dynamic adaptation of rural communities and their environments (Song et al. 2021).

(iii) Biosphere Reserves and the Man and the Biosphere Programme (MAB) of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO): MAB was created in 1971, and it is implemented through a worldwide network of biosphere reserves, which are territories whose objective is to harmonize the conservation of biological and cultural diversity with economic and social development (Guevara and Laborde 2008, Bridgewater 2016). Biosphere reserves aim to foster harmonic relationships between people and nature, and provide logistical support for sustainable development, research, monitoring, education, and training (Van Cuong et al. 2017). Reconciliating social and economic development with biodiversity conservation requires complex spatial and governance arrangements (Ferreira et al. 2018, Lee 2021), through participatory dialogue, poverty reduction, cultural preservation, and a unique zoning approach (Araya and Clüsener-Godt 2007, Stocks et al. 2007, Gros and Frihz 2010, Karez et al. 2016). Each biosphere reserve consists of three zones with different functions and degrees of protection: (a) core zones focusing on strict protection and conservation of biodiversity; (b) adjacent buffer zones that allow for ecologically sound activities such as traditional practices of artisanal fishery, low impact ecotourism, environmental education and training; and (3) transition zones (around buffer zones) with least restrictions for sustainable ecosystem service use and socio-culturally sustainable economic and human activity (Price et al. 2010). Consequently, distinct levels of human-nature interactions can be expected in the different zones. Globally, as of March 2025, there are 748 biosphere reserves, spanning all continents and distributed in 134 countries (including 23 transboundary reserves; UNESCO 2025). Below, we examine representative cases from different continents.

In Latin America there are 136 BRs (UNESCO 2025). In the far north of the region, biosphere reserves in Mexico have played a key role in creating synergies among the scientific community, public administration in protected areas, and civil society organizations. This model, which emphasizes multi-stakeholder participation, has been dubbed the “Mexican model of biosphere reserves” (Guevara Sada 2019). This model has had international influence because it shaped the policy guidelines of the Seville Strategy that seeks to foster sustainable regional development in biosphere reserves (Brenner and Job 2022). However, some Mexican biosphere reserves have suffered from deficient forms of local governance, triggering conflicts and generating paradoxes regarding the genuine participation of local populations (Legorreta-Diaz and Marquez-Rosano 2012, Brenner and Job 2022, Zalles 2022).

In the extreme south of Latin America, in Chile the role of education has been enhanced to reconcile conservation objectives with participation and sustainable development (Moreira-Muñoz et al. 2019). In the world’s southernmost biosphere reserve, the Cape Horn Biosphere Reserve, education methodologies inspired by “field environmental philosophy” and biocultural conservation programs have enhanced the appreciation of Indigenous languages, of “less charismatic” biota (e.g., insects, mosses), and the development of new forms of scientific tourism, such as ecotourism with a hand-lens (Rozzi et al. 2008, Tauro et al. 2021, Contador et al. 2023, Schüttler et al. 2023).

In Europe, an initiative among German biosphere reserves aims to achieve more precise identification of stakeholders who actually or potentially act as stewards (Winkler and Hauck 2019). In German biosphere reserves, stewards include local communities (e.g., local people, residents), producers (e.g., farmers), non-state organizations (e.g., community-based organizations, nongovernmental organizations), research institutions, governments, and the private sector (Schüttler et al. 2023). For example, the Berchtesgadener Land Biosphere Reserve, established in 1990 in the Bavarian Alps, features a transition zone that encompasses 15 small municipalities with approximately 100,000 inhabitants who derive their income from farming, tourism, small-scale agriculture, forestry, and salt mining. They have become active stewards who successfully market their regional farm products (Schüttler et al. 2023).

In the Alps, biocultural landscapes have evolved through agroecological practices that maintain a high diversity of co-inhabitants. For example, in the Dolomiti in Italy, the regolieri have for centuries collectively owned and managed extensive forests and pastures called regoles. This ancient institution for managing common property resources was recognized legally by the Italian state as the managers of the Parco Naturale delle Dolomiti d’Ampezzo. In 2009 the park and regoles were designated a UNESCO Natural World Heritage site. The Italian government awards regolieri tax-free status and funding, supplemented by subsidies from the European Union and the government of the Venetian Region (Lorenzi and Borrini-Feyerabend 2009, Ghea 2011, Pieraccini 2013).

In Asia and the Pacific, there are currently 228 Biosphere Reserves (UNESCO 2025), organized into four regional networks. This highly heterogeneous region, however, presents significant challenges for integrating conservation with sustainable development (Meijaard et al. 2010). Evaluation of community participation and the impact of socioeconomic development on biosphere reserves in the Asia-Pacific (Jaafar et al. 2023, Thao et al. 2023) reveals that participation in conservation projects can have contrasting socioeconomic impacts. For example, a mangrove rehabilitation project in Palawan, Dumlao (Philipines), led to increased family income for 73% of participants through financial support. However, 23% reported income losses due to the low monetary return of time spent on mangrove planting (Thao et al. 2023).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUDING REMARKS

Our review article addresses a major colonial gap in modern Western ethics, which has omitted a broad array of values of nature hosted by diverse cultures in heterogeneous regions of the planet. Today, these cultures and their values can help shape sustainable life habits that are linked to specific habitats and their co-inhabitants. However, mainstream environmental ethics continues to focus only on Western philosophical schools of thought (e.g., Palmer 2013, Palmer et al. 2014, Rolston 2020). We offer a conceptual framework and empirical evidence that expands the scope of environmental ethics. Toward this aim, we have examined three core concepts of the biocultural ethic linked to three themes prioritized by the IPBES-VA. Below, we discuss each in light of evidence provided by the IBPBES-VA.

(1) Diversity of co-inhabitants in agro- or forest-ecosystems: The IPBES-VA documents how in the Andes and the Himalaya, a significant diversity of food species and local landraces have been lost because of the expansion of a few high-value commercial crops, such as rice and wheat (Barton et al. 2022). At the same time, the IPBES-VA documents cases that are consistent with the examples we have presented for agro- and forest-ecosystems in South America, Japan, and Europe. The biologically and culturally diverse agro- and forest-ecosystems are alive today despite strong pressures against them such as land grabbing and monocultures that are subsidized by national and/or international market economies (Makki 2018), as well as powerful interests supported by legal rules such as property rights (Pascual et al. 2023). They illustrate the relevance of values and practices of Indigenous people and local communities, highlighting the importance of social movements that defend food sovereignty. An example included in the IPBES-VA is the “local initiatives of Chiapas [Mexico] communities of resistance against genetically modified organisms [that] allowed in situ conservation of local landraces, thanks to indigenous and scientific expertise” (Barton et al. 2022:283).

Regarding the ethical implications of the former examples, the “3Hs” model helps us to interpret these social movements as expressing the central value that the diversity of co-inhabitants has as interacting agents. Domesticated plants and animals are not mere commodities with solely monetary value, as treated by prevailing market policies. Instead, they are subjects with interests and values of their own that sustain the integrity of biocultural communities.

The concept of co-inhabitant gives agency to both human and other-than-human beings. This concept is consistent with worldviews and ecological practices prevalent in many biocultural communities that co-inhabit heterogeneous habitats in all biomes worldwide. It expresses that human beings do not exist isolated from nature, neither as individuals nor as societies, but that they coexist in webs of evolutionary, ecological, and cultural interactions with myriad living beings and other components of ecosystems. For example, in an article derived from the IPBES-VA, to illustrate a pluricentric perspective of a watershed feeding into an estuary, Pascual et al. (2023) used the term co-inhabitant in reference to fish. Considering broad values of nature, Pascual et al. (2023) ascribed different and complementary values to fish: instrumental (food for humans and regulators of ecosystem food webs), intrinsic (having a right to exist), and relational (having cultural, symbolic, and material relationships with humans). Among co-inhabiting species, ethnoecologists have noted that some have conspicuous relationships with humans and have identified them as “cultural keystone species.” These species have exceptional significance for a socio-cultural group because of their prevalence in language, ceremonies, diet, medicines, symbolic presence in traditional stories, and/or their use as seasonal or phenological indicators (Nabhan and Carr 1994, Cristancho and Vining 2004, Garibaldi and Turner 2004, Mobarak et al 2025). In this article, we have explained how species such as the potato in South America, the Toki ibis in Asia, or the sweet chestnut in Europe are co-inhabitants that establish key relationships with human communities. Because these relationships are embedded in both biological and cultural dimensions, for these salient co-inhabitants we prefer to use the term “biocultural keystone species” (Ibarra et al. 2012). A final remark on the concept of co-inhabitants is that it has not only descriptive but also normative power. By respecting their instrumental, intrinsic, and relational values, humans are compelled to care for co-inhabitants with whom they share habitats. To put this ethical imperative into action, biocultural keystone species can serve as “flagship species” that inspire conservation initiatives.

(2) Life-habits and education for Earth Stewardship: The IPBES-VA research found multiple educational principles, methods, and concepts for teaching sustainability (Kelemen et al. 2022). Sustainability sciences have been enriched by paying attention to pedagogical processes that enable the transition from individual learning to community learning to enhance social and nature experiences (Kelemen et al. 2022). A key conclusion from Chapter 2 in the IPBES-VA is that environmental education, practiced from different perspectives, is crucial for incorporating values that connect children with local habitats, promoting environmental literacy, and fostering positive attitudes toward nature (Anderson et al. 2022). Toward this aim, intercultural and multilingual education is especially relevant to biocultural conservation by “preserving knowledge about nature (i.e., ecoliteracy) and the languages that transmit such knowledge” (Anderson et al. 2022:42). For example, Mexico has had intercultural universities for over 20 years, including local communities in higher education (Schmelkes 2009, Dietz 2012). In the United States, numerous multicultural initiatives integrate minority groups and Indigenous peoples in environmental studies, such as the “intellectual diversity” program at the College of Environmental Science and Forestry, State University of New York (SUNY) in Syracuse (Kimmerer 1998, Kimmerer 2012). Furthermore, there are various Native American-based universities (Reyhner 2010), such as Diné College among the Diné (or Navajo) in Arizona, which, since its birth in 1968, has centered the curriculum on Diné language, history, and philosophy (Johnson 2008).

The Diné traditional living system places human life in harmony with the natural world and the universe (Kahn-John and Koithan 2015, Two Bears 2022). This worldview involves respect for society and nature, and is expressed by the Diné term k’é, which refers to “the concept of family, compassion, cooperation, love, kinship, clanship, friendliness, kindness, unselfishness, peacefulness, thoughtfulness, and all positive virtues that constitute intense, diffuse, and enduring solidarity through respectful relations with nature and others” (Lee 2016:99). This insight from the Diné language and culture supports the statement that the transition toward sustainability requires transformations based on different Western as well as Indigenous worldviews (Kelemen et al. 2022). Socio-culturally contextualized education is necessary to counterbalance the standard, formal education that promotes cultural globalization (Rozzi et al. 2023b).

Human life habits that guide the care for co-inhabitants and shared habitats can be taught through Earth Stewardship educational concepts and practices. Many of these exist in the cultural traditions of numerous Indigenous peoples and other local communities. However, we documented how they are also present in global society through innovative outdoor practices that catalyze face-to-face intercultural and interspecies encounters, stimulating empathy with co-inhabitants and fostering Earth Stewardship behaviors that promote biocultural conservation. These practices can counterbalance the current prevalence of formal and non-formal education mediated by technology and social networks, which isolate children from biocultural diversity (Soga and Gaston 2016, Silverman and Corneau 2017, Edwards and Larson 2020, Poole 2023, Murciano-Hueso et al. 2024).

(3) Habitats within and beyond Protected Areas (PA): The IPBES-VA demonstrates that PAs are policy instruments that support transformative changes toward sustainable and just futures by representing diverse values at local, national, and global scales (Barton et al. 2022, IPBES 2022). The IPBES-VA found that the goal of the Global 2030 Agenda to increase the number and the total area covered by terrestrial and marine protected areas has made great progress. However, the IPBES-VA notes the limitations associated with the fact that protected areas often fall within the mandate and resources of a single institution, the Ministry of the Environment (or its national equivalent; Barton et al. 2022). Additionally, often PAs, including biosphere reserves such as Yasuni-ITT in Ecuador and Nanda Devi in India, have failed to protect critical biodiversity hotspots (Bosak 2008, Rawal and Rawat 2012, Espinosa 2013, Pellegrini et al. 2014, Barton et al. 2022).

Despite limitations of PAs, care for the habitats and the biocultural diversity hosted by them is an indispensable step for achieving Earth Stewardship and biocultural conservation. In PAs that include human communities, such as GIAHs, ICCAs, and biosphere reserves, stewards play important roles as custodians of biological and cultural diversity. For these reasons, the IPBES-VA underscores that Earth Stewardship contributes to view PAs, socio-environmental justice, and sustainability as interdependent (IPBES 2022).

To stimulate life habits of responsible co-inhabitation, the emotional and rational understanding that human beings share habitats with myriad other beings requires overcoming the erroneous dualistic conception between “protected areas” and “unprotected areas.” The IPBES-VA has documented that this dualism is dissolved in conservation initiatives such as ICCAs and BRs, which integrate human beings and nature. Using the 3Hs biocultural framework, we have stressed the importance of overcoming the dichotomy between “protected” and “unprotected” areas by adopting habits of stewardship across urban-rural landscapes that harmonize different multiple-use needs with biocultural conservation. Palomo et al. (2016) have identified a multiplicity of components that interact to deliver ecosystem services, which are built into relations of co-production. The “3Hs” biocultural framework and the co-production focus on agricultural landscapes converge on essential aspects. Both approaches identify negative impacts resulting from transforming diverse biocultural landscapes into monocultures, which are subject to the intensive use of chemicals (for agriculture or silviculture) that degrade multiple ecosystem services, as well as the well-being of co-inhabitants (Palomo et al. 2016, Rozzi 2018, Balvanera et al. 2022). This offers an additional way to avoid the dissociation of protected and non-protected areas by understanding and valuing ecosystem services through their co-production.

In summary, using the “3Hs” model we identified a diversity of communities that have cultural traditions hosting multiple ethical values of nature and sustainable forms of co-inhabitation. We provided empirical evidence about the great diversity of nature’s values present in different communities and world regions. These values do not exist as platonic abstractions but rather are materially embedded in the life habits of communities that have coevolved in specific habitats. However, today, the mosaic of local values and associated sustainable practices is often overshadowed by global values and policies. If this trend persists, losses of biocultural diversity will continue, and several planetary boundaries, including climate change, biogeochemical flows, and biodiversity, will be gravely transgressed by 2050 (van Vuuren et al. 2025).

A transformation of global educational, economic, and policy systems could be rooted in better valuing the biocultural mosaic that fosters biodiversity conservation (Alejo et al. 2025) as well as the well-being and continuity of sustainable regional cultures (Watson et al. 2018, Hanspach et al. 2020, Jacobs et al. 2020). A biocultural transformation could lay the foundation for a heterogeneous global metaculture with sustainable modes of co-inhabitation (Rozzi and Massardo 2011).

Beyond the heuristic function of identifying diverse types of communities, the “3Hs” model provides an ethical orientation for incorporating the conservation of biological and cultural diversity into Earth Stewardship practices. It contributes to implementing Earth Stewardship initiatives and other IPBES-VA recommendations, such as expanding the range of nature values considered in decision-making, as well as in the design and implementation of socio-environmental policies. In this way, the “3Hs” model of biocultural ethics has multiple-scale implications for decision making. Although it is rooted in local realities, it can acquire global power to transition toward more just and sustainable futures, such as those envisioned by IPBES-VA.

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