Synthesis

INTRODUCTION

Coastal and marine social-ecological systems (henceforth CM-SES) have become a key governance focus in the current Blue Anthropocene because of the opportunities they provide to support sustainable growth (Germond-Duret et al. 2023). The Blue Anthropocene introduces the uncertainties and challenges produced by global social-ecological change and ocean-based economic development, focusing particularly on systemic injustices faced by coastal communities, as well as the reduction in the capacity of small-scale fishers, indigenous peoples, and other local communities to sustain their livelihoods and protect their CM-SES (Araos et al. 2023). In the era of the Blue Anthropocene, these local subsistence-based communities face the intertwined threats of “ocean grabbing” (Bavinck et al. 2017, Barbesgaard 2018), “ocean privatization” (Germond-Duret et al. 2023), and “ocean commodification” (Havice and Zalik 2018), leading to a “blue acceleration” that entails “a race among diverse and often competing interests for ocean food, material, and space” (Jouffray et al. 2020:43), while also being severely impacted by human-induced climate change.

These trends in the current Blue Anthropocene have given rise to concerted efforts to tackle a diverse range of justice and equality issues in relation to ocean decision making, leading to a growing body of what has been termed “blue justice” literature (Bennet et al. 2021). The concept of blue justice has its roots in social justice and coastal governance research and, in its simplest definition, can be understood as the pursuit of social-ecological justice in CM-SES (Anbleyth-Evans et al. 2022). Recently, scholars have started to frame “the relational existence of human and non-human ecologies as a matter of justice” (Yaka 2019:364). Moving away from one-sided perspectives that prioritize either ecological or social justice, social-ecological justice in this sense takes a more holistic and relational standpoint. Blue justice, as the quest for social-ecological justice in CM-SES, focuses on broader social and ecological dynamics in which injustices in coastal areas are historically and contemporarily embedded.

Blue justice scholars thus critically examine the exclusion and marginalization of local coastal communities and ecosystems, and how they might be affected by so-called blue economy^[1] initiatives that neglect their contribution to ocean decision making. Special emphasis is placed on their central role in the sustainable development of the oceans around the world (Chuenpagdee 2020, Jentoft et al. 2022). Blue justice is increasingly used as a counter-narrative to blue economy agendas, which consider the oceans as important new frontiers for economic development (Schreiber et al. 2022), thereby neglecting more social-ecologically just initiatives in the process (Gerhardinger et al. 2023).

Significant gaps and inconsistencies in the emerging scholarship on blue justice remain. Engen et al. (2021), for example, observe that “(i)n the absence of a coherent understanding of blue justice, there is a critical need to elucidate the concept.” Blythe et al. (2023) argue for the development of methodologies that explore cases of blue injustices and grassroots resistance movements in order to better understand pathways for blue justice. Jentoft et al. (2022) also emphasize the need for empirically grounded blue justice research that shows how people experience and conceptualize blue injustices. Schreiber et al. (2022), for their part, exemplify the presence of epistemic injustices in CM-SES, arguing that “small-scale fisheries people need a complementary vocabulary or a pool of collective hermeneutical resources to express knowledge in words that capture their experience, including their experienced injustices” (Schreiber et al. 2022). Finally, Blythe et al. (2023) point to the fact that alternative coastal futures, that is, alternative pathways to realizing blue justice, have so far been underemphasized in the blue justice literature.

Considering these gaps and inconsistencies in the flourishing literature, we developed a multidimensional diagnostic framework that conceptualizes blue justice in CM-SES (Table 1). It draws on bodies of theory at the intersection of blue justice and participatory coastal governance, as well as on data obtained through our research project in Chile, to understand three distinct but interconnected dimensions: injustices, resistances, and opportunities. In order to establish place-based pathways to realizing blue justice, these dimensions cannot be tackled in isolation and must be dealt with in a balanced and comprehensive manner. Using a case study approach, we applied our blue justice collective framework to understand and evaluate blue justice in the Gulf of Arauco in south-central Chile. By transcending traditional academic disciplinary boundaries, we envision blue justice as providing a suitable analytical lens through which to trial, apply, and evolve novel transdisciplinary research theory and praxis in CM-SES. We should note here that we analyze transdisciplinarity in this paper through the lens of the “social engagement school.”^[2] As part of the collective framework presented here, we have therefore co-produced an innovative methodological research design that blends four participatory methods with the aim of supporting transdisciplinary knowledge production around blue justice.

MATERIAL AND METHODS

Case study area and research context

Our ongoing project, initiated by an interdisciplinary team of scientists and artists who work for the Chilean Coastal Social-Ecological Millennium Institute (SECOS, for its Spanish acronym), is aimed at developing a citizen science program for the Gulf of Arauco, a shallow embayment located in the Biobío region, which constitutes one of the main coastal systems of south-central Chile (Fig. 1). The coastal area of the Gulf of Arauco (37°S) presents a complex geomorphology derived from tectonic processes and sea level changes during the Cenozoic Era (Pineda 1983, Isla et al. 2012). The region’s ancient coastal forms (wetlands and dune fields) have been severely affected by urbanization (Ilabaca 1989; Martínez et al. 2016). We specifically focus on the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco, which is administered by the Arauco commune and includes five villages (Laraquete, Arauco, Tubul, Llico, and Punta Lavapié). These rural areas are fundamentally linked, both economically and culturally, to the extraction of marine resources. The Gulf of Arauco is a productive semi-closed system that functions as a nursery and recruitment area for economically relevant fisheries (Landaeta and Castro 2006) such as small-scale razor clam extraction which, according to Roa-Ureta et al. (2020), constitutes a successful example of community-based resource management in the area.

The Gulf of Arauco is a CM-SES that is particularly apt for studying blue (in)justices. Multiple overlapping interests converge in the area, which generate social-ecological conflicts and vulnerabilities that directly affect coastal communities and their surroundings. Fragile coastal ecosystems, such as the Tubul-Raqui wetland and some rather unique forested freshwater wetlands locally known as hualves, provide important ecosystem services (Martínez et al. 2012) but are under threat of collapse. Simultaneously, there is a rapidly growing interest in the extraction of benthic resources in the Gulf of Arauco (Valdovinos et al. 2010). In the light of these developments, local communities are increasingly vocal in their wish to permanently improve issues related to long-term problems and injustices. This allows us to question, from a blue justice perspective, how these communities organize themselves to resist and deal with these problems and participate in potential alternative “blue” pathways for their CM-SES.

Constructing a transdisciplinary art-science methodology

We blended four different participatory methods that, as we argue, stimulates transdisciplinary knowledge co-production on blue justice issues in CM-SES. Together, these four methods adapt to the territorial reality of local coastal communities. Indeed, over the last two years, these methods have been instrumental in co-producing collaborative learning environments for a wide variety of coastal stakeholders in the Gulf of Arauco (see Table 2 for more details on each of the four methods). Two of them include initial exploratory methods: exploratory rapport (ER) and semi-structured interviewing (SSI). The other two are in-depth participatory methods that aim to integrate science with art: participatory mapping (PM) and co-creative muralism (CCM). Prior to engaging in our research program, all adult participants were informed about the nature of our study and were asked to sign an informed consent.

Although the methods presented in Table 2 share some important similarities (e.g., they all are inherently participatory, inclusive, action-oriented, and qualitative), there are also some fundamental differences among the four of them, especially with regard to the nature of the data obtained, the visualization and organization of data, as well as with the use of software and technological tools. Importantly, the merging of mapping, muralism, interviewing, and rapport allowed for the inclusion of a great variety of knowledge holders. This novel methodological approach has therefore been key in the development of a multi-scalar transdisciplinary coalition in the Gulf of Arauco that deploys an alternative blue justice ontology.

Initial exploratory methodologies for territorial recognition

ER and SSI have helped establish a foundation that aided in understanding the core structure of the community and territory, as well as in identifying key stakeholders/organizations for the subsequent phases. The first methodological step consisted of ER as a means of engaging communities of the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco in the research project, getting them to open up and have the confidence to speak at length with the research team, as well as exchanging ideas on research questions and objectives of our citizen science project. This ER process was applied to the entire southern part of the Gulf of Arauco through constructive conversations, relationship building, and the generation of trust with different local leaders in order to understand the social-ecological reality of the Gulf of Arauco from their perspective.

ER was consolidated in a second methodological step through the application of SSI, a process that allowed specific territorial actors, in personal meetings, to delve into topics that are relevant to them. The interviews were loosely structured, although within a predetermined thematic framework, and sought to generate a space of trust previously anchored by ER. We managed to address specific issues related to blue justice in the Gulf of Arauco but we allowed other elements to emerge spontaneously. SSI participants have been selected through a non-representative sampling strategy, which provided an initial overview of the topics of interest in the CM-SES. The primary criterion for the selection of SSI participants included knowledge on local issues and problems, conflicts, vulnerabilities, as well as other topics related to blue justice in the Gulf of Arauco that were subsequently addressed through the application of more in-depth participatory methodologies aimed at the broader community. The SSI sampling strategy allowed for an ongoing, iterative sampling process that served as a catalyst for the co-generation of theory and the refinement of analytical categories in subsequent stages of the research.

Art-science participatory methodologies

PM constitutes a dynamic tool that helps to construct a common narrative and integrates different types of knowledge and perceptions through the recognition and validation of shared and lived territorial experiences. The result is a co-productive space that helps to identify specific relationships and configurations of the territory. We organized a PM workshop at the Brisas del Mar elementary school of Tubul in November 2022, inviting representatives of social, environmental, and ancestral organizations from Laraquete, Arauco, Tubul, Llico, and Punta Lavapié. Twenty-two representatives from these organizations participated, which were divided into three subgroups: artisanal fishermen (PM1), artisanal fisherwoman (PM2), indigenous Mapuche peoples (both fishers and non-fishers), and environmental activists (PM3).

The choice for this division was largely based on the different social-ecological roles of these actors in the Gulf of Arauco as identified through EP and SSI. As has been explained before, artisanal fisheries constitute an important source of employment, income, and food for the inhabitants of the area. However, the role of women in artisanal fisheries in the Gulf of Arauco continues to be understated and their voices tend to be underrepresented in decision-making processes related to the access, use, and control of coastal resources. Given this persisting gender gap, we created the first two subgroups (PM1 and PM2), making sure that the voices of all women who participated were heard. The rationale behind the creation of the third subgroup (PM3) is the fact that local indigenous Mapuche communities and environmental activists have joined forces to promote the protection of the Tubul-Raqui wetland, just southeast of Tubul (see Fig. 1). Given their shared interest in protecting the territory and their relatively similar ontological positions regarding the relationship between coastal communities and nature in the Gulf of Arauco, we therefore decided to group them together.

Throughout the activity, there were two moderators for each group to make sure that all relevant topics were covered, creating a dynamic space where nuanced spatial discussions on the challenges and strategies related to blue justice emerged. They also ensured participants took turns at speaking, so that the opinion of the quieter members was also heard and included in the discussion. We used smaller and larger-scale satellite maps of the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco (A0 size), as well as colored pens and post-it notes to highlight topics relevant for the participants. The entire process was archived through audiovisual recordings with the consent of participants. At the end of the activity, a representative of each subgroup presented the main conclusions in front of all participants, which stimulated debate and interaction among the members of the different subgroups (Fig. 2).

Our second in-depth participatory method, CCM, is a practice that we implemented as a form to engage community members as co-creators, fostering inclusion and amplifying marginalized voices. It is based on traditional muralism, a form of large-scale public art with deep roots in Latin American social movements, most notably the early 20th-century Mexican muralism movement, and the Chilean muralism movement known as “Brigada Violeta Parra,” which addressed social and political themes through public art. It has historically been a powerful medium for expressing collective struggles, cultural identity, and visions of social and ecological justice. Worldwide, there is currently a wide variety of art-science projects involving muralism in communities (Donkers 2020, Mohammed 2021, Petronienė and Juzelėnienė 2022). These projects are rooted in traditional muralism but expand the levels of participation throughout the process. In our approach, CCM, the focus is on the co-creation of knowledge, which takes precedence over the aesthetics and singular authorship of the final product. In CCM, the co-design and execution of murals are viewed as an iterative process that embraces a participatory communal practice, involving scientists, artists, and community members. This approach fosters dialogue, strengthens community engagement, and integrates diverse knowledge systems, ensuring co-creation and shared decision making at every stage. By prioritizing this approach, CCM provides a dynamic platform for addressing contemporary social-ecological challenges. The murals themselves are “public imaginaries,” embodying the shared visions and narratives that communities use to interpret their past, make sense of their present, and imagine their future. Murals can also visualize complex social-ecological interactions, such as relationships between local ecosystems, cultural practices, community resilience, and sources of injustice.

We carried out CCM between November 2022 and August 2023 at the Brisas del Mar elementary school in the town of Tubul, where students^[3] and fishing families from the entire southern area of the Gulf of Arauco study and gather on a regular basis. The co-creation process comprised five stages, each adaptable in duration and specifics according to community decisions and case dynamics. These stages, often running concurrently, started with (1) visiting the territory, actively engaging with the community, artists, and scientists to foster trust; (2) then, core objectives and expectations for the mural project were collaboratively established with the local school, the heart of the community; (3) subsequently, the mural design draft was iteratively developed, both virtually and in situ, through diverse methodologies, including interviews, research, and gathering visual materials; (4) what followed was the eight-day intensive communal in situ mural painting, which involved refining the design on-site with key members of the community, students, teachers, researchers, and artists, and making iterative modifications to reflect the evolving interests of the community; (5) and finally, the narrative of the mural was further enriched by virtual and augmented reality experiences, which draw on research drone footage and Google Earth geospatial data and images to complement traditional mural storytelling. The integration of these immersive technologies into the co-creative process delivers embodied experiences, allowing viewers to feel physically and sensorially present in the territory, deeply connected to its landscapes and narratives.

The initial stage of familiarization with the territory and community took place during the November 2022 PM workshop. The interdisciplinary artist-scientists (IAS) team acted as observers, seizing the opportunity to explore the area and initiate a transdisciplinary dialogue encompassing arts, crafts, knowledge, and emotions related to the CM-SES. This exploration aimed to cultivate trust and closeness, crucial for integrating the IAS team with both the larger social-ecological researchers (SER) team and the community. Subsequent visits in March and April 2023 served for stages 2 and 3, during which the school appointed a teacher to act as a liaison between the school and the IAS team, overseeing the gathering of information, drawings, and images produced by the students. Concurrently, the IAS team conducted research on species, sites, and ecosystems and visited the territory. Combining the data provided by the school with the materials from the November 2022 PM workshop and discussion with the SER team, we commenced the collaborative development of the initial draft of the mural design.

The intensive eight-day collective mural painting took place in June 2023. The IAS team, comprising four artists-scientists with backgrounds in scientific illustration, and one audiovisual professional who documented the process, collaborated with teachers, students, parents, divers, fishermen, fisherwomen, and other community members. They worked organically hand-in-hand with the IAS team, part of the SER team, and other scientists from SECOS. Concurrently, the IAS and SER teams conducted workshops with different groups of students in the same room where people of all ages were painting. Additional PM activities as well as additions to the mural draft were developed with the students. On the final day, the school’s Parents Association organized an inauguration and unveiling of the mural, inviting the community. Traditional seafood was served during the event. Audiovisual recordings of the process, including interviews, are part of a short film and documentary currently in production. We would like to add here that for all these activities we obtained necessary authorizations and approval from community members.

Finally, during a new visit to the school in August 2023, we presented the director and teachers with the virtual reality component being developed for the mural. This virtual reality was created in collaboration with a virtual reality artist, ensuring that the mural process remained open and iterative. To accomplish this, the IAS and SER teams utilized the same material that informed the traditional mural, focusing especially on species, sites, and stories that were further explored and highlighted in the virtual reality interpretation, which provided a platform for an expanded narrative. Special emphasis was placed on using drone footage acquired during the research to accurately depict geographic locations in the virtual world. This data was then skillfully incorporated into the creative process, enhancing the fidelity of the topography and landscape features to create the virtual mural environment and experience. An exercise in virtual reality mapping was conducted using the virtual mural landscape, utilizing an Oculus headset with one of the fishermen who collaborated on the mural and was also interviewed during the study.

RESULTS: CONTEXTUALIZING SOCIAL-ECOLOGICAL INJUSTICES THROUGH THE EYES OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE GULF OF ARAUCO

In this section, we present data from all four methods as described above. We analyze data through the lens of the collective framework as proposed in the introduction of this article, thus paying special attention to injustices, resistances, and opportunities. The results are structured around two highly complex social-ecological injustices in the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco. The first is of anthropogenic origin and includes the forest extractivism model propelled by the Celulosa Arauco, a wood pulp, engineered wood, and forestry company that has a great impact on both the land and seascapes in the region. This model has drastically transformed land use, encircling coastal communities with expansive plantations and limiting their access to traditional territories. The second is of natural origin and includes the earthquake-tsunami that occurred off the coast of south-central Chile in 2010, triggering a series of events that exposed social-ecological vulnerabilities and injustices in the Gulf of Arauco. The selection of these two topics was based on the frequency with which they were mentioned by the participants in this study (both topics have the highest frequency rate in all four methods). Figure 3 visualizes some of the key results from the PM workshops, whereas Figure 4 shows the main results from CCM activities.

The Celulosa Arauco forest extractivism model

Being the most frequently mentioned injustice issue in all four methods of our research, most participants consider the forestry company Celulosa Arauco y Constitución to be the main driver of negative social-ecological change in the Gulf of Arauco’s land and seascapes. As a consequence of the forest extractivism model induced by the company, the terrestrial landscape today is dominated by the presence of introduced pine and eucalyptus plantations, covering roughly 57% of the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco (Pino Albornoz and Carrasco Henríquez 2019). One of the injustices that is pointed out most strongly, especially by PM and SSI participants (Fig. 3), is how forestry activity and monoculture plantations of pines and eucalyptus (for which demands have increased exponentially in recent decades) affect availability and access to water in the territory, while simultaneously drying estuaries and slopes. One of the most extreme cases includes the town of Punta Lavapie, where communities’ access to drinking water during summer months is severely restricted. The issue of access to drinking water is of such importance that of all the territorial organizations in the region, the Rural Drinking Water Committees (Comités de Agua Potable Rural) are arguably the most important ones. Representatives from two different Rural Drinking Water Committees explained the following during the PM workshop^[4]:

This entire sector is planted with eucas [eucalyptus trees], all these lands, we have problems, because I tell you, because we, Punta Lavapié and Llico, draw water from this estuary [estuary Aguapié], and it all dried up ... By government law, no euca or pine is allowed to be planted within 40 meters of this estuary, nothing, only native vegetation is allowed, but no po^[5], now they are planting practically on the estuary. (PM3)

The process of large-scale commercial forest product extraction in the Gulf of Arauco started in the 1960s, when the company Celulosa Arauco y Constitución was founded with state resources. The elderly people, who participated in this research through SSI, clearly remember the rise of monoculture in the region, and the effect it had on native forests as well as on artisanal fishing activities:

I remember that [the pine trees] were already there, in the 1960s or I think it was before, when I was younger they were already there, [but] there were still quite a few native trees. With my dad, we went to look for the ulmo shell, which we used to dye the fishing nets, because in that time the fishing nets were made of thread and were dyed with ulmo shells, which gave it more firmness, so that it would last longer. (SSI)

One of the most severe consequences of the pine and eucalyptus monoculture plantations is the risk of wildfires, especially during summer season (December–February). A tragic recent example was the February 2023 wildfire that severely affected communities and ecosystems in the southern region of the Gulf of Arauco, especially the Punta Lavapie commune. The following quote from an environmental activist from Laraquete, who participated in this research through SSI, shows how important it is to regulate forest plantations and water access in the Gulf of Arauco:

I think that there are serious problems that we should try to tackle together, as a community, well one is that the plantations practically reach the houses, they even reach the roadsides, and the other thing is that the firefighters depend on water, and the night of the wildfires they [the firefighters] ran out of water (SSI)

The actual Celulosa Arauco industrial plants that are installed in the Horcones sector near Laraquete were also frequently mentioned by SSI and PM participants (Fig. 3). Recent studies have confirmed that, because of industrial activities at the Celulosa Arauco industrial plants, pollutants are a constant threat in the Gulf of Arauco (Estévez et al. 2020). Participants consider that this industry is the main cause of pollution that occurs in the area’s land and seascapes:

The main human threat is the pulp plant right here in the Gulf [of Arauco], where all the production is located. (SSI) The pulp plant is the headquarters of pollution, it is the never-ending cancer for the entire population. (PM3)

The pollution generated by the pulp plants is perceived by the inhabitants of the territory as air pollution, through the permanent bad odors that are felt in the vicinity of the industry, and which, depending on climatic conditions, can reach as far as the urban centers of Arauco and Tubul:

Already in Laraquete the bad smells begin, it reaches Arauco and runs north until the smell reaches us here [Tubul]. (PM2)

It is also perceived as pollution of marine waters, which participants associate with a loss of marine resources (Fig. 3). By draining nutrients and organic matter to the marine environment, the Biobío River plays a fundamental role in the oceanographic dynamics of the Gulf of Arauco (Masotti et al 2018), affecting the ecology of coastal organisms (Pérez et al. 2015), influencing circulation patterns and biogeochemical processes (Rojas et al. 2023, Vergara et al. 2023). Coastal upwelling, which occurs in spring-summer periods and is stimulated by strong south-western winds, is also an important phenomenon in the CM-SES. During upwelling periods, cold, low oxygenated, nutrient-rich water fertilizes the shallow ocean layers of the Gulf of Arauco, yielding a rise in phytoplanktonic organisms that are the base of the trophic webs (Valle-Levinson et al. 2003). Contamination caused by the Celulosa Arauco industrial plants disturb these natural processes, thus affecting artisanal fishing activities:

The sand used to be very rich in mollusks, cholga [Magellan mussel] and then the pulp plant began to emit ... the turpentine escaped and killed everything that used to live on the sand banks. (PM1)

As part of our collective framework, we then focused our attention on resistances and opportunities for blue justice. During PM and SSI, participants explained that artisanal fishing organizations in the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco are permanently monitoring the activities of the Celulosa Arauco industrial plants in case events occur that could harm their productive activities (Fig. 3). Also, data obtained through all four methods shows how important wetlands are for the future of the region. During CCM, the wetland stood out as a key source of local pride, highly valued by its community and occupying a central and upper part in the traditional mural painting. During SSI, the elderly figure Don T., one of Tubul’s most important historical fishing union leaders, explained the following:

We should also take care of the [Tubul-Raqui] wetland, because the wetland is the largest in the region and it still has many species of birds, including migratory birds, so it is still a very important wetland. And, besides, it provides all the nutrients for the shellfish beds, so the entire sector of hills [near Tubul] that reaches the sea should be protected and stay as it is. (SSI)

At one point, Celulosa Arauco wanted to transform one of the wetlands into a forest plantation, for which people have come together to protect them:

All this, that looks like a meadow, we managed to protect it so that it would become an urban wetland. It really is a hualve, unique in the commune of Arauco, a forest that has its roots in water 12 months of the year, where there are Temu, Pitra and other plants, it has wicker, wicker has mostly disappeared here in the area. (PM3)

Wetlands are fundamental for nature and people because they are a source of biodiversity and provide nutrients to coastal ecosystems. The Gulf of Arauco has some rather unique wetland ecosystems of global importance, including forested freshwater wetlands locally known as hualves (Fig. 3). These ecosystems are permanently flooded and their vegetation is dominated by species of the Myrtaceae family (Correa-Araneda et al. 2011). Thanks to the above-mentioned processes of collective action, the wetland is now legally recognized as an urban wetland, giving it a protected status. This shows how communities in the Gulf of Arauco have shown resistance in the face of social-ecological injustices created by Celulosa Arauco. Furthermore, it shows how important the wetland is for the community. In the virtual mural, which can be seen in augmented reality in the postcards, the aerial view of Tubul and the rivers Tubul and Raqui help to show the importance and dimensions of this wetland and help to show other species of birds not present in the mural. A black skimmer (Rynchops niger) was placed in a central position on the painted mural (Fig. 4), as well as four other bird species that represent the more than 83 species reported for the Tubul-Raqui wetland and that have been identified as potentially playing an important role in the development of ecotourism. In fact, many participants in our study envision an alternative future for their territory, where tourism would play a key role:

Tubul lacks territorial planning, it lacks a tourist center, so I believe that we should exploit other tourist areas. Here in Tubul, what we lack most is a tourist center. We have not been able to develop a productive tourist center, we have immense wealth here, we have sea, we have meadows, we have hills, but unfortunately, until now, we have not been able to exploit all this for tourism. (PM2)

All in all, through the CCM process it became apparent that both students and teachers at the school lack familiarity with bird names, natural history, and, in the case of teachers, even broader aspects such as the landscape and local history. This lack of familiarity was notable among teachers who primarily hail from outside the area. Their expressions of surprise, excitement, and enthusiasm for learning more about these subjects highlight a potential opportunity for the development of a citizen science program aimed at enhancing their knowledge and engagement.

Exposure to the earthquake-tsunami risk and the loss of the “pelillo” algae

Another injustice issue that constitutes a key concern for inhabitants of the Gulf of Arauco is the exposure to, and unequal distribution of, the risks related to earthquakes and ensuing tsunamis (Fig. 3). The Gulf of Arauco is located between 70 and 110 km east of the Chilean Trench, on the continental shelf where the Nazca Plate subducts beneath the South American Plate at about ~7 cm/year (Angermann et al. 1999). Because of its location, the Gulf of Arauco has been shaped by several seismic cycles that not only have triggered earthquakes and consequent tsunamis, but also have caused significant and abrupt ground level changes. For example, an Mw 8.5 earthquake that occurred in 1835 generated a rise of land of ~2 m on Santa María Island (Wesson et al. 2015, Jara-Muñoz et al. 2017) and something similar occurred in 2010, when an Mw 8.8 earthquake struck the coast of south-central Chile. This caused a coastal coseismic uplift of up to ~1.8 m in certain places of the Gulf of Arauco, inducing a widening of beaches, drying of coastal wetlands, and alteration of intertidal flora and fauna (Quezada et al. 2012, Martínez et al. 2021).

Studies have demonstrated spatially diversified effects of the coseismic uplift on local ecosystem services (Marín et al. 2014). The 2010 earthquake was followed by a tsunami that heavily impacted the south-central Chilean coast, destroying several towns that were already devastated by the earthquake. These intertwined natural phenomena strongly disrupted the social-ecological dynamics in the Gulf of Arauco, including the Tubul-Raqui wetland, which partially drained its intertidal swamps, affecting aquatic components and altering the channels and areas in which algae crops were located (Valdovinos et al. 2010). The tsunami also triggered an increase in social vulnerability that mainly affected women and generated public health problems (Rojas et al. 2014). An elderly figure and former fishing union leader told us about the impact that this 2010 event had on the entire CM-SES:

The 2010 earthquake was so heavy and it changed all the dynamics here, it changed everything that is nature, and it changed human activities too. For example, all the algae died out, the river was practically dry. Our territory hasn’t recovered, I think it will take, I don’t know how many more years to recover. (SSI)

During CCM at the elementary school in Tubul, parents, school staff, and fishermen who helped to paint and design the mural, or who stopped by to see the process, often shared stories about the changes in water levels after the tsunami. These changes affected both the navigability of the waters and the survival of the locally known algae, pelillo (Gracilaria chilensis), which grew at the entrance of the wetland. This is why the mural depicts the community collecting the algae in sepia tones just below the wetland (Fig. 4). The vertical lift of the wetland and related cascading effects destroyed virtually all the pelillo algae plantations, whose cultivation constituted, until then, the main economic activity related to the wetland, as PM participants explained:

Here the employment of more than 400 people was lost ... Because of the earthquake, this source of employment was lost. It brought a lot of resources, a lot of money. (PM3) ... The pelillo era was like the copper era for this region. (PM2)

Some students from the region even depended on pelillo extraction to pay for their student enrollment:

There were students who came here in the summer to collect pelillo to make their lucas (money), some were studying to become lawyers. (PM2)

However, the women from Tubul possibly suffered the harshest consequences of the 2010 earthquake. The recollection and manufacturing of pelillo was a key economic activity that allowed them to achieve a certain degree of autonomy. These women played a relevant role in the Tubul trade union, and created a system for equally sharing the profits with the wider community:

Pelillo was sociable, everyone worked, the elderly who did not work were given 50%, women at 7 months pregnant didn’t have to work and were given 75%, people who died were given money for their funeral, university students were also given money, it was good [back then], because we all had enough. (PM2)

The women who worked with pelillo also developed certain social dynamics based on a collaborative and supportive work environment that included a child care system:

There was no knowledge of depression, or any disease ... You could even bring your children with you. Although we smelled badly, we were always laughing, we were happy back then. (PM2)

This nostalgia and collective grief that was provoked by the tragic earthquake-tsunami event of 2010 was very evident during the mural painting phase. Women repeatedly asked the pelilleras to be portrayed in the section devoted to honoring the past. Although the women described the pelillo era with nostalgia, they have shown both resistance and resilience by developing new roles in fishery’s productive chains, such as shell removal of razor clams (locally known as desconche). However, compared to pelillo, work at the “de-shelling area” in Tubul is less sociable, and much more individualistic: “Now shell removal is each individual’s money, that’s it” (PM2).

This can be clearly observed in the mural, as the final design features a community of people working together on pelillo, while there is only a single woman engaged in the desconche process of the razor clams. Additionally, the woman appears less integrated with the other individuals involved in the harvesting process (hookah diver and fishermen), as well as with the environment and surroundings (Fig. 4).

Despite the years of social-ecological hardship as a result of what happened in 2010, different forms of resilience, resistance, collective action, as well as shared visions on opportunities for a more just blue future in the Gulf of Arauco became apparent during the course of our research. Participants highly value both the biodiversity (marine and terrestrial) and the environmental cycles of the Gulf of Arauco, which allow them to diversify their economic practices in response to the social-ecological changes provoked by adverse events such as the 2010 earthquake-tsunami. Nowadays, recollection of resources with a seasonal rotation system (Fig. 3) are essential for family subsistence and a source of income for vulnerable people who are not directly linked to the fishing sector, such as women, elderly people, and students:

Many people depend on seasonal fruits. In the case of fishermen, they have an alternative when fishing is bad; they collect Nalca, Mutilla, Camarones de tierra, Mora, Digueñe. (PM1)

Through skin diving for benthic resources using semi-autonomous or “hooka” diving gear (Fig. 3), local fishermen also showed resilience in the face of the changed dynamics in the Gulf of Arauco after the tragic 2010 event. Although this type of diving has for several decades been present in the CM-SES, fishermen adapted quickly to the new social-ecological situation by increasing this small-scale extractive activity, which is now one of the main sources of income in Tubul’s fishing cove: “After pelillo died men increasingly started diving again here in Tubul” (PM1).

In ocean waters, they extract Navajuela (Tagelus dombeii) and Huepo (Ensis macha), destined mainly for exportation and the local and regional consumer markets. In the Tubul River, they occasionally dive for Choro (Mytilus chilensis) which, according to participants in our study, is mainly for local consumption. Combined, these skin-diving activities have been a key form of resistance to the injustices related to the earthquake-tsunami risk and clearly show the resilience of local coastal communities in the Gulf of Arauco. So much so that it is now an important means of subsistence for households in the southern part of the Gulf of Arauco, which is why it earned such a prominent place in the mural (Fig. 4).

Finally, we would like to add that throughout the research process it became apparent that there is concern and interest in learning more about the history and social-ecological richness of the territory. A special place in the upper part of the mural was devoted to portraying the newly constructed school and its students. The school is situated next to the wetland, the other part of the mural that represents hope and a more just blue future. Interestingly, the future areas in the mural composition emerge from the past areas, not from the present (Fig. 4B). We interpret this as a reflection of the importance attributed to grieving, but also celebrating and acknowledging heritage, in order to build a stronger sense of identity together, one that will help reshape visions of the future for the Gulf of Arauco.

DISCUSSION

We discuss key lessons that emerged from our experiences in the Gulf of Arauco, aiming to nourish the necessary debate and emerging understanding of transdisciplinary research on blue justice. Our findings are distilled in four interconnected key messages, each aimed at breaking down a specific form of dualism that underlies traditional scientific endeavor in CM-SES.

Beyond the science/art dualism: prioritizing meaningful marine knowledge through the integration of scientific and artistic methods

With transdisciplinary research on the rise, qualitative approaches are becoming ever more popular, leading to novel combinations of action-oriented, participatory methods. Our intermingling of muralism, mapping, rapport-building, and interviewing has been a strategic methodological approach that, as we argue, is particularly apt for transdisciplinary research in CM-SES. The co-production and cross-fertilization of expressive, spatial, and visual data allow for the (re)appropriation of coastal territories by its inhabitants and make it possible to see a CM-SES as a space in constant transformation. By applying this strategy, we have learned that research becomes iterative, reflexive, and reciprocal, rather than linear, static, and extractive. In the end, maps and murals are like texts that can be read and interpreted in different ways. It is therefore key to understand the relationship between text and images, their meanings and the ways in which they have been created. The mural, maps, community rapport, and interviews have all been the result of joint processes and are thus collective co-productions as well as co-constructed narratives.

The research outputs function simultaneously as both tools and processes, serving to both facilitate and embody our transdisciplinary art-science approach. Each element emerges from and reinforces collaborative dynamics, making tangible contributions to our understanding and engagement with the community. Murals-as-tools serve as visual communicators of complex themes, encapsulating local knowledge and social issues to enhance community engagement. Murals-as-processes involve collaborative design and execution, fostering dialogue and building consensus around research topics. Maps-as-tools provide spatial analysis to represent data and territorial relationships clearly. Maps-as-processes facilitate community participation in data collection and interpretation, integrating local and ancestral knowledge into research. Rapport and interviewing have been very useful tools to identify key topics and build trust, essential for effective communication and data gathering. As processes, they involve ongoing community engagement, evolving over time to maintain cooperation and participation in transdisciplinary research.

In itself, the collective method of co-producing murals and maps is a unique and creative process that cannot be repeated. In line with Tetamanti (2018), we experienced that during a PM workshop the intertwined processes of representation, deconstruction, and production come together, and the same can be said for the CCM process. The co-creation of the mural in Tubul, throughout its entire process and most notably during the intense eight-day collective painting, involved participants ranging from students and teachers to artists and researchers, as well as community members interested in contributing. It unfolded as an open space for dialogue, memory, and the acknowledgment of diverse types of knowledge and emotions. The resulting mural now inhabits the dining hall of the school, a space used on a daily basis by students, but which is also frequently used by the wider community for gatherings and meetings. The mural visually encapsulates the ongoing dialogue with and within the community, featuring a dedicated space for grieving and honoring the past where pelillo once secured a complex social network fostering cooperation and sustainability, a network that was disrupted (and is still under repair) because of the dramatic wetland changes caused by the 2010 earthquake-tsunami.

Additionally, the mural serves as a symbol for expressing pride and hope for a more just blue future that considers the rich diversity of natural resources, ecosystems, and people. The importance of this became evident during the inauguration ceremony of the mural, where several parents expressed gratitude with tearful speeches, thanking the team, students, and teachers. The mural is open ended and it is now being transformed into a virtual landscape, with augmented reality, serving as a reflection of the constant iterative process of knowledge and identity, and helping articulate ideas and goals for adaptive transformation within the community. In addition, the creation of this virtual landscape of the territory, both above and below the sea surface, which is based on drone footage, satellite mapping, and local and scientific knowledge, shows interesting potential to extend the PM method to the virtual world and to the underwater landscape, embodying the knowledge that divers have.

It is crucial to emphasize that the creative process of co-producing a map or a mural, whether traditional or virtual, necessarily involves the exchange of territorial information, present and past experiences, and, consequently, social learning. In this sense, these processes always bring about transformations because, regardless of the final result, all participants (inhabitants of the area, as well as participating scientists and artists, among others) end up with more profound embodied social-ecological knowledge. Finally, previous studies have underscored the role of public art, including murals, in influencing values, beliefs, and emotions that people associate with their environment and territory (Harrower et al. 2018, Petronienė and Juzelėnienė 2022). In our case, by integrating artistic and scientific methods, we have expanded this potential by strengthening the collaborative relationship between scientists and the community using a long-term perspective, aiming to contribute our grain of sand to a new collective vision within which to work and develop sustainable alternative blue futures.

Beyond the science/society dualism: why transdisciplinarity matters in bridging the divide between academic and non-academic knowledge

The study of the ways in which humans and oceans interact, co-evolve, and shape each other has moved to the forefront in both the natural and social sciences (Havice and Zalik 2018). This has stimulated interdisciplinary research efforts to analyze social-ecological linkages in CM-SES. However, a lack of meaningful involvement or consideration of local, traditional, and indigenous knowledge systems continues to be common in CM-SES research (Bennett et al. 2021). As Schreiber et al. (2022) argue, all knowers in a CM-SES, including their knowledge systems and territorial practices, are of equal merit and equally deserve consideration. What is more, recent studies show that the absence of mechanisms to incorporate non-scientific knowledge and practices into coastal governance systems, the lack of recognition of traditional and ancestral coastal communities, and the marginalization of their voices have consistently led to blue injustices in CM-SES (Jentoft et al. 2022, Bennett et al. 2023). This calls for a move beyond interdisciplinary research, encouraging academia to look for ways to engage science more directly with the CM-SES they study. In such a transdisciplinary approach, research becomes topical, rather than disciplinary, prompting investigators to engage more directly with coastal peoples, places, and phenomena in situ.

Small-scale fisherwomen and men, ancestral peoples, and other coastal communities face many inequalities and injustices, especially in Latin America and the Caribbean (Bennett et al. 2021, Gerhardinger et al. 2023). To face the Blue Anthropocene, these key social actors have fostered action networks to recover control of the commons in CM-SES and to sustain the regeneration of life in the oceans (Araos et al. 2023). In Chile, significant contestation and social struggle from small-scale fishers, indigenous peoples, and other coastal communities have emerged during recent decades (Anbleyth-Evans et al. 2022). Surprisingly, to date, few studies have adopted an explicitly transdisciplinary approach to the study and analysis of these struggles for blue justice. Our results suggest that an integrative approach that transcends disciplinary boundaries and unites science and practice helps to better understand the persistence of social-ecological injustices in CM-SES. In this regard, empowering coastal communities through participatory methods is key, thus connecting academic and non-academic actors in the process of producing applicable knowledge in the context of blue justice.

It is worth highlighting that the transdisciplinary methods we applied involve more than the classic process of data collection, analysis, and so forth. It is primarily about organizing and cultivating networks that enable effective, ongoing dialogue between local knowledge holders and visiting scientists. In the context of our research in the Gulf of Arauco, this entails continuous communication between fishing organizations, indigenous Mapuche communities, teachers, local environmentalists, students, artists, as well as social and natural scientists, thereby breaking the “science-society” divide that has traditionally dominated the scientific paradigm. The result is, according to Donna Haraway (1991), situated knowledge that is not separated from its social-ecological context, nor from its subjectivity. This way, scientific endeavor becomes more democratic and helps to create transdisciplinary coalitions that actively include alternative onto-epistemologies (Mons and Rodríguez 2023) while simultaneously recognizing and supporting local knowledge systems in order to advance just transformations for sustainability (Pereira and Erwin 2023).

Beyond the gender dualism: recognizing and leveraging women’s knowledge, experiences, and future visions for blue justice

As our research in the Gulf of Arauco has shown, stimulating gender equality is vital for overcoming blue injustices. The historical masculinization of CM-SES has marginalized women in productive coastal activities and deprived them from power and decision-making roles (Rohe et al. 2018, Torre et al. 2019, Mendoza-Carranza et al. 2023). Despite these inequalities, coastal women in Latin America are increasingly influencing the socio-political sphere through resistance and collective action, forming unions, organizations, and assuming leadership roles (Lizana-Rivera 2021, Álvarez-Burgos et al. 2024). This trend can be clearly observed in the Gulf of Arauco, where Tubul’s pier is managed for the first time by a female administrator, and small-scale fisher networks, rural drinking water committees, and local entrepreneur organizations are now primarily led by women. Nevertheless, women in the Gulf of Arauco continue to be vulnerable to social-ecological injustices, as the post-2010 earthquake-tsunami transition in Tubul demonstrates. From a solidary and equitable system based on pelillo extraction to the solitary and individualistic activity of shell removal of razor clams, and despite years of social-ecological hardship as a result of the tragic 2010 event, women showcased their resistance and resilience amid upheaval. Their crisis management enhances adaptive processes and underscores their vital role in coastal governance and decision making (Rohe et al. 2018, Torre et al. 2019, Jiménez 2021).

Women in the Gulf of Arauco often intertwine domestic and community dimensions, prioritizing social security and collaboration. This has helped to develop resilience, echoed in their continuing economic solidarity principles and their adaptation post-2010. In small-scale fishing communities, women often fulfill multiple roles as caregivers, household heads, social leaders, and workers (Burgos 2020), and they therefore produce and carry on a deep understanding of their territory, its history, as well as its social-ecological dynamics (Mendoza-Carranza et al. 2023; Álvarez-Burgos et al. 2024). All of the above has been clearly expressed through women’s participation in ER, SSI, PM, and CCM, which reiterates the fundamental importance of integrating inclusive scientific-artistic methods in transdisciplinary blue justice research. Within such a collective framework, addressing gender gaps—access, control, information, and decision making—is paramount (Álvarez-Burgos et al. 2024). Recognizing and leveraging women’s contributions, knowledge, experiences, and future visions is therefore essential for achieving blue justice.

Beyond the blue economy/blue justice dualism: blue justice as a core governance principle in the blue economy agenda

The blue economy paradigm has been criticized for focusing excessively on economic growth at the expense of social and ecological considerations (Gerhardinger et al. 2023). Blue justice, on the other hand, prioritizes human rights and social-ecological justice in CM-SES. The blue economy/blue justice juxtaposition does not mean that both concepts should be seen as simple opposites. Rather, and in line with recent research (e.g., Bennett et al. 2021, Chuenpagdee et al. 2022), our engagement with transdisciplinary research stresses that blue justice should become a central governance principle in the blue economy agenda. This balancing of economic and social-ecological interests stimulates the demarginalization of knowledge and related territorial practices of traditional and ancestral fisher folks (see Schreiber et al. (2022) for a more in-depth discussion on this topic). Rather than a shift from blue economy to blue justice, we therefore propose an articulation of both concepts, emphasizing fairness, inclusivity, and the sovereignty of coastal communities over their CM-SES.

In order to achieve this, the interconnected dimensions of injustices, resistances, and opportunities that have been presented in the collective framework in this article should receive special consideration, thereby upholding the rights and knowledge of local, traditional, and ancestral coastal communities. Important steps have been made on studying the nexus between sustainable development and equity (Garland et al. 2019, Germond-Duret et al. 2023), still more action needs to be taken to consolidate the study of social-ecological processes that can shape just and inclusive ocean economies. As our research in the Gulf of Arauco has shown, uniting diverging perspectives, interests, worldviews, and knowledge systems from a wide variety of social actors is fundamental, which could help to overcome the ongoing exclusion of the voices of fishers and fish-workers from global blue economy agendas that, in itself, generates “injustices that cause harm to small-scale fisheries people in their capacity as knowers” (Schreiber et al. 2022). In order to advance this line of inquiry, we argue that certain dichotomies underlying traditional coastal research theory and praxis, such as the four presented in this discussion, are a thing of the past and should therefore be broken down.

CONCLUSIONS

As our engagement in the Gulf of Arauco shows, stimulating blue justice, inclusive coastal governance, and transdisciplinarity are intimately linked goals. The approach developed in this article illustrates how the integration of ER, SSI, PM, and CCM helps to derive a more holistic understanding of blue (in)justices in CM-SES. In our program, PM has been an important scientific method for exposing and spatializing blue injustices and forms of resistance. CCM, on the other hand, has been a key artistic method for the identification and analysis of more sustainable blue pathways for the Gulf of Arauco. One of the main takeaways is therefore that the integration of scientific and artistic methods helps to identify local perceptions of blue justice. Blue justice is contextual and has an important spatial dimension: what is just for one coastal community can be unjust for another. In a similar way, it has a temporal dimension: what is just today, can be less just tomorrow, or vice versa. A transdisciplinary art-science approach to blue justice helps to understand how blue injustices are created across space and time; who wins, who loses, who participates in forms of resistance and collective action, who is excluded from decision making, what kinds of alternative and more just blue futures we should strive for, who would benefit from such a more just blue future, and so on. Future research should therefore focus on the long-term effects of blue injustices and further develop complementarities between scientific and artistic methods. The collective framework presented in this paper is thus intended as a humble invitation to actively engage with transdisciplinary art-science approaches that position blue justice at local scales, thereby contributing to the creation of a solid theoretical and practical basis for sustainable and inclusive ocean governance in the Blue Anthropocene.

__________

^[1] As Bennett et al. (2019:991) put it, the term “blue economy” originally “implied socially equitable and sustainable development but has come to encapsulate international interest in the growth of ocean-based economic development.” Thus, the concept operates at the intersection of protection of ocean resources on the one hand, and ocean growth and development on the other (Lee et al. 2020). Its multifaceted nature, the recent emergence of multiple “blue” concepts, and a lack of clarity on its definition and implementation only adds to the confusion (Engler 2015, Keen et al. 2018). As shown in Table 1, we understand and analyze “blue economy” as a non-dichotomous analytical concept to emphasize the strive for an inclusive, ocean-based economic development model that does not undermine the health of the ocean and marine environment nor (re)produces blue injustices.
^[2] The “social engagement school” is oriented specifically on complex social-ecological challenges, the involvement of a wide variety of societal actors, and transformative research processes. See Lawrence et al. (2022) for an overview of definitions, characteristics, and schools of thought of transdisciplinary research.
^[3] Prior to our CCM activities at the Brisas del Mar elementary school, we held several meetings with the school’s teachers and director to explain the scope of our project and the ways in which the students would be involved in CCM. After obtaining the prior consent of the director and teachers, we proceeded with the five CCM stages outlined in this paragraph, which were integrated into the school’s activities. The parent-teacher association organized the mural’s inauguration and hosted a reception to thank the SECOS team.
^[4] All quotations in this article have been translated from Spanish to English.
^[5] Po is a local expression that is difficult, if not impossible, to translate and that is used to emphasize what is said.

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