Research

INTRODUCTION

Traffic congestion, air pollution, and general environmental degradation are growing threats as human populations increasingly shift to cities and the private car. These problems are particularly apparent in the transportation sectors of developing nations (Luo et al. 2022, Fu et al. 2025). As a result, the default strategy of most governments has been to engineer systematic changes such as improved public transit (Zhang et al. 2024a). The effectiveness of current strategies has varied because they do not tackle the cognitive processes that determine whether people embrace or disregard sustainable travel methods (Green et al. 2021). Although a wealth of research has produced significant insight into the influence of mental drivers like environmental awareness and attitude-based frameworks (Geng et al. 2017, Ru et al. 2018), emotional and self-conceptual factors have been largely ignored with respect to green travel behavior (GTB).

This study focuses on analyzing how eco-guilt affects GTB. Eco-guilt is a negative emotional reaction that results from a perceived impact of personal choices on the natural environment (Chen et al. 2024, Ullah et al. 2024). Although there are several studies on eco-guilt, they tend to contextualize it in the performance of pro-environmental behaviors at large (Bahja and Hancer 2021, Ágoston et al. 2022) and its effect on transportation-related behavior is not well established. It is a possible cause of GTB, because guilt in general has strong motivating power. Thus, the present work seeks to empirically establish the links between eco-guilt and GTB to better understand the process by which eco-guilt can impact mobility decisions.

Environmental self-identity (ESI), the extent to which individuals perceive environmental responsibility as part of their identity (Van der Werff et al. 2013), may be instrumental in translating eco-guilt into tangible behavior change. Individuals who experience eco-guilt may be prompted to reaffirm their self-image as environmentally responsible, thus fostering consistent pro-environmental behaviors, including sustainable travel practices. Despite the intuitive appeal of this linkage, empirical examinations of how eco-guilt influences GTB via self-identity remain scarce, particularly in developing-country contexts where sustainable mobility infrastructure is evolving.

Moreover, social dynamics significantly shape individual behaviors in urban environments. The perception of being observed or judged by others, conceptualized as perceived social visibility (Josiassen and Assaf 2013, Cao 2021) can affect the strength of the link between personal identity and actual behavior. If individuals believe their environmentally friendly choices are publicly visible (Kakar and Khan 2021, Mehmood et al. 2022, Khan et al. 2024), they might be more inclined to align their actions with their self-identity. Existing research briefly touches upon social norms or pressures (Luo et al. 2022) but perceived social visibility as a distinct factor moderating the relationship between eco-guilt, self-identity, and GTB has rarely been explicitly examined.

The theoretical background of this research is self-concept theory (Rogers 1959, Gecas 1982), which explains human behavior through an individual’s self-conceptions. In particular, this research is grounded in the assumption that eco-guilt and ESI can serve as precursors of making sustainable travel choices and the perception of being in the visual field of others can moderate this relationship. As for self-concept theory, it was chosen because, unlike, for example, the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen 1991) or other theories based on a cognitively and rationally determined decision-making process, self-concept theory can account for more affective and identity-related mechanisms that seem to be more pronounced in real-world decision making. In a similar way, compared with models and theories more focused on a person’s sense of moral obligation or internalized norms and values (norm activation model, Schwartz 1977; value-belief-norm theory, Stern et al. 1999), the present research is based on the assumption that emotional and self-related aspects are more salient when it comes to GTB. Unlike more reflective moral judgments, travel choices may be guided by one’s self-concept as well as specific, situation-related emotions, like eco-guilt.

The present study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it investigates affective predictors, specifically eco-guilt, in the context of the domain of travel, which is the specific subject of our study as opposed to general pro-environmental behavior. Second, the study explores the mediating role of environmental self-identity, which provides an insight into how affective experiences can be converted into longer-term behavioral changes. Third, the inclusion of perceived social visibility as a moderator recognizes the critical role of broader social context in the translation of identity-based environmental intentions into sustainable mobility practices. Furthermore, being set in the urban context of Pakistan, the study brings to light the experiences from a part of the world that is under-represented in sustainable transport literature. On the theoretical side, the study builds on previous work using self-concept theory in relation to transportation behavior by further applying it to the understanding of GTB through an integration of emotions, self-identity, and social factors. The results from the study, we hope, will be able to guide public policy interventions (e.g., public awareness campaigns to increase public salience or visibility of green travel, etc.) and help advance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) related to Sustainable Cities (SDG 11), Climate Action (SDG 13), and overall Sustainable Transport (Goal 11).

HYPOTHESIS DEVELOPMENT

Eco-guilt and environmental self-identity

Self-concept theory, a core principle in pro-environmental behavior, posits that individuals are inherently motivated to align their internal perceptions with their external actions (Rogers 1959). Eco-guilt, characterized as the self-directed discomfort stemming from one’s environmentally harmful actions (Ágoston et al. 2022, Ullah et al. 2024), is a pivotal emotional catalyst within this theoretical landscape. Although previous research has explored the influence of eco-guilt on specific pro-environmental behaviors, such as recycling or energy conservation (Pagiaslis and Krontalis 2014), its impact on more ingrained psychological constructs like ESI remains less frequently investigated, particularly within the transportation domain.

Environmental self-identity encapsulates the extent to which individuals perceive themselves as environmentally responsible agents (Rūtelionė and Bhutto 2024, Lam et al. 2025). Although values and norms certainly shape this identity, emotion-driven cues may play an equally important role. According to self-concept theory, when individuals experience eco-guilt, they are prompted to reassess their self-image, seeking to align behavior with internal standards and social expectations (Sigmer Nielsen et al. 2024). This effect may be especially pronounced in urban settings of developing countries, where green mobility options are growing but still require active choice over default car use (Luo et al. 2022). Therefore, drawing from self-concept theory and emotional behavior research, we propose the following:

H1: Individuals’ experience of eco-guilt will positively influence their environmental self-identity.

Environmental self-identity and green travel behavior

Environmental self-identity has emerged as a critical variable in predicting various forms of pro-environmental behavior, ranging from household energy use to ethical consumerism (Van der Werff et al. 2013, Hui and Khan 2022). Rooted in self-concept theory (Gecas 1982, Shen et al. 2019) the logic suggests that when individuals internalize an environmentally friendly self-perception, their behaviors naturally align with that identity across different life domains. In the context of travel behavior, this alignment is not automatic; habitual use of private cars often clashes with sustainable values (Green et al. 2021, Khan 2024a). Yet, for those who actively see themselves as environmentally responsible, these contradictions become harder to justify (Sánchez-García et al. 2025).

Previous research emphasizes this identity-behavior consistency. For example, Geng et al. (2017) noted that residents with stronger pro-environmental self-views demonstrated a higher likelihood of adopting green travel practices, even when infrastructural support was variable. Similarly, Luo et al. (2022) highlighted that environmental self-identity influenced not just intentions but actual choices, particularly in emerging economies where social cues regarding green travel were still developing. Self-concept theory supports these findings, suggesting that maintaining a coherent self-view requires behavioral reinforcement, especially in public or socially visible domains. Taken together, these insights suggest that environmental self-identity is not a static trait but a dynamic predictor of behavior that operates across contexts, including urban travel. Accordingly, we hypothesize the following:

H2: Individuals’ environmental self-identity will positively influence their green travel behavior.

Mediating role of environmental self-identity

Although eco-guilt and green travel behavior may appear directly linked, self-concept theory indicates that the pathway from emotional trigger to sustained behavior is rarely linear (Marsh et al. 2020). Rather, the shift toward consistent green behavior often depends on an intervening process: the development of environmental self-identity. Eco-guilt prompts individuals to reassess their habits in light of moral or environmental standards (Chen et al. 2024). However, unless this emotional discomfort reshapes how individuals perceive themselves, its influence may be fleeting or context-dependent.

Environmental self-identity, in this sense, acts as a stabilizing mechanism. Once individuals internalize a green self-concept, their travel choices are guided less by immediate emotions and more by a durable sense of self. Supporting this, Van der Werff et al. (2013) found that self-identity mediated the relationship between environmental values and behavior, while Khan (2024b) observed similar patterns in social exclusion contexts affecting green choices. Extending these insights to urban travel behavior suggests that eco-guilt initiates the identity-building process, which in turn leads to more consistent engagement in green travel. This perspective aligns with self-concept theory’s broader claim that behaviors are filtered through internal self-perceptions before becoming habitual responses. Thus, we hypothesize the following:

H3: Environmental self-identity will mediate the positive relationship between eco-guilt and green travel behavior.

Moderating role of perceived social visibility

Although self-concept theory emphasizes internal consistency, it does not ignore the social environment’s influence (Shen et al. 2019). In particular, perceived social visibility, the belief that others observe and judge one’s behavior (Josiassen and Assaf 2013), can amplify or dampen the strength of identity-behavior links. This dynamic is especially relevant in pro-environmental contexts where behaviors such as cycling, using public transport, or walking are publicly visible and potentially subject to social approval or disapproval.

Social visibility connects directly with ideas in moral licensing and social signaling research, suggesting that behaviors performed under observation carry added social and reputational weight (Benitez et al. 2020). For individuals with a strong environmental self-identity, the perceived visibility of green travel choices may reinforce their behavior by providing social validation. Conversely, when visibility is low, the motivation to act following one’s self-concept may weaken slightly, especially in socially fluid urban settings where peer norms are still forming. Drawing from these insights and grounded in self-concept theory’s integration of internal and external influences, we propose the following:

H4: Perceived social visibility will moderate the positive relationship between environmental self-identity and green travel behavior, such that the relationship is stronger when perceived social visibility is high.

H3 and H4 can be combined to construct a more detailed pattern. The idea is that eco-guilt leads to environmental self-identity, which in turn predicts green travel intention. But the strength of that last relationship is moderated by perceived social observability. In other words, there is a moderated mediation going on: although eco-guilt should have an indirect effect on green travel behavior that passes through self-identity, that indirect effect should be conditional on the extent to which individuals believe they are socially observable.

The framework of self-concept theory provides a strong match to this reasoning process. According to self-concept theory people behave in line with their self-image yet this behavior alignment depends on whether individuals perceive their actions as socially observable. This was also one of the main ideas in our previous article (Luo et al. 2022) that individuals with higher levels of social support for green behavior had a greater frequency of such behavior. But that is just one relationship among many. We can extend the same idea to the relationships being predicted here as well. Hence, our final hypothesis:

H5: Perceived social visibility will moderate the indirect effect of eco-guilt on green travel behavior through environmental self-identity, such that the indirect effect is stronger when perceived social visibility is high.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

Data collection process

To test the research hypotheses, an online self-administered survey was carried out. The research study focused on residents living in urban areas throughout Pakistan. A pretest of the questionnaire was first conducted to explore the local language and commute context. The term “green travel behavior” was explained in the local context as minimizing carbon emissions and environmental harm by using public transit options or engaging in cycling or walking for daily travel instead of personal vehicles. The wording of the questionnaire items was refined on this basis. The questionnaire was then made accessible to the identified population. The study selected respondents using a stratified random sampling method that categorized urban areas of Pakistan into multiple layers for sample selection. The questionnaires were administered by well-trained research associates to 650 adults through door-to-door administration of a hard copy.

Researchers randomly selected residential zones and households before finally choosing one family member for the survey. A member who was readily available completed the questionnaire. The availability of a family member in a household was given priority in this study. In this way, the researchers could ensure the randomness of the samples. This study used a purposive sampling method that readers should remember when applying results to the entire urban population. However, in terms of generalization, the findings can be generalized to the urban commuters.

In addition, the respondents were assured that their personal information would be kept confidential and their participation in the study was voluntary. They were also informed that the purpose of this research was to study the travel behavior of the commuters for academic research. The respondents gave written consent before the commencement of the survey questionnaire. Each of the respondents was offered a small gift to thank them for their time. Eventually, 317 usable responses were gathered (51.7% male, 48.3% female) while private car ownership was reported by 30.6% of respondents. The largest age group fell between 26 and 35 years, indicating a young, urban demographic particularly relevant for studying evolving green travel norms.

Survey instruments

This research employed a five-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree to capture participants’ responses. All measurement items were adapted from established sources, with slight contextual refinements to fit the urban green travel setting. Eco-guilt was measured using three adapted items from Chen et al. (2024). Items were reworded to specifically reflect travel-related guilt, such as, “I feel uneasy when I ignore ecological protection while commuting.” Environmental self-identity was captured using three items adapted from Van der Werff et al. (2013). Participants indicated how much they identified as environmentally responsible in travel contexts, using items like, “I see myself as someone who chooses eco-friendly transport whenever possible.”

Perceived social visibility was measured using a three-item scale adapted from Josiassen and Assaf (2013). Items were tailored to emphasize visibility in daily commuting: “Most people around me would notice if I used public transport instead of driving.” Finally, GTB was measured using three items adapted from Zhang et al. (2024b). The scale focused on regular travel habits rather than one-off behaviors. Example items included, “In my daily life, I usually choose eco-friendly modes of transport.” All items underwent reliability and validity checks, including content validation by subject experts familiar with environmental psychology and urban mobility in Pakistan. Full measurement model validation results are reported in the findings section.

Test of validity and reliability

Before conducting hypothesis testing, all datasets were screened for missing values using Little’s MCAR test. Results indicated randomness in missing data patterns, suggesting no systematic bias. To further minimize potential biases, extreme values were winsorized, ensuring the robustness of subsequent analyses. Measurement and structural models were examined using AMOS-24 through maximum likelihood estimation. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was employed to assess the validity of the measurement model, including all study constructs: eco-guilt, environmental self-identity, perceived social visibility, and green travel behavior. Fit indices met accepted thresholds (χ²/df = 1.81, TLI = 0.976, CFI = 0.983, RMSEA = 0.051), indicating that the observed measures aligned well with their latent constructs and supported the adequacy of the hypothesized structure. Factor loadings as shown in Table 1 ranged from 0.798 to 0.880, all statistically significant at the p < 0.001 level.

To verify scale reliability and validity, composite reliability (CR) and average variance extracted (AVE) were calculated. CR and alpha values as shown in Table 1 exceeded 0.70 for all constructs, ranging from 0.856 to 0.897. AVE values ranged from 0.668 to 0.743, surpassing the recommended 0.50 threshold (Hair et al. 2019). For discriminant validity, the square roots of AVE were compared to inter-construct correlations, confirming adequacy according to criteria as shown in Table 2. HTMT ratios were also assessed, remaining below the 0.85 cutoff (Henseler et al. 2015), further reinforcing discriminant validity.

To control for potential endogeneity, residual analysis following Sánchez and Lehnert’s (2019), recommendations was conducted. No substantial correlations were observed between residuals and predictors, suggesting endogeneity did not bias the model. Additionally, non-response bias was examined using early-late respondent comparisons (Armstrong and Overton 1977), revealing no significant differences across key variables. Common method variance (CMV) was addressed through several procedural and statistical strategies. First, the questionnaire layout was structured to separate related items, minimizing respondents’ tendency toward consistent response patterns. Harman’s single-factor test showed no dominant factor, with the first factor accounting for only 39.25% of the variance, below the 50% benchmark (Podsakoff et al. 2003). A marker variable technique also confirmed negligible CMV effects, validating the integrity of the results.

HYPOTHESIS TESTING

For direct, mediation, and moderation hypotheses, structural equation modeling (SEM) was applied using AMOS. For moderated mediation testing, the PROCESS macro (model 14) in SPSS was employed, which is specifically designed for conditional indirect effect analysis where moderation occurs along the mediation path. Hypothesis 1 proposed a direct positive relationship between eco-guilt and environmental self-identity. SEM results shown in Figure 1 supported this prediction, revealing a significant positive path coefficient (β = 0.63, p < 0.001). Hypothesis 2, which posited that environmental self-identity positively predicts green travel behavior, was also validated through SEM (β = 0.49, p < 0.001).

To test the mediating role of environmental self-identity (H3), bootstrapping procedures were conducted using AMOS. The indirect effect of eco-guilt on green travel behavior via environmental self-identity was significant (β = 0.17; LLCI = 0.07, ULCI = 0.29), with confidence intervals excluding zero. This confirmed environmental self-identity as a mediator between eco-guilt and green travel behavior.

For moderation analysis (H4), the interaction between environmental self-identity and perceived social visibility was assessed using AMOS. A standardized interaction term was created by multiplying mean-centered environmental self-identity and perceived social visibility scores. Results indicated a significant moderating effect (β = 0.46, p < 0.001). To illustrate this moderation, Figure 2 plots the relationship between environmental self-identity and green travel behavior at high (+1 SD) and low (−1 SD) levels of perceived social visibility. The slope for individuals reporting high perceived social visibility was notably steeper (β = 0.95, p < 0.01), suggesting that environmental self-identity has a stronger positive effect on green travel behavior when individuals believe their travel choices are publicly observed. At low levels of perceived social visibility, the relationship becomes insignificant (β = 0.03, p > 0.05), reflecting reduced social reinforcement.

Finally, Hypothesis 5 tested the conditional indirect effect of eco-guilt on green travel behavior through environmental self-identity, moderated by perceived social visibility. PROCESS model 14 results shown in Table 3 confirmed this moderated mediation, with a significant index of moderated mediation (β = 0.17, LLCI = 0.09, ULCI = 0.24). This indicates that the indirect effect of eco-guilt on green travel behavior via environmental self-identity becomes stronger when perceived social visibility is high.

DISCUSSION

The present study explored how eco-guilt translates into GTB through the mediating role of environmental self-identity, moderated by perceived social visibility. Results confirmed that individuals experiencing eco-guilt are more likely to develop a stronger environmental self-identity, aligning with earlier findings by Ágoston et al. (2022) and Ullah et al. (2024), who noted eco-guilt’s broader influence on pro-environmental intentions. Extending this to daily mobility adds granularity to previous work, such as Luo et al. (2022), which emphasized social factors in rural travel but left urban identity mechanisms underexplored.

Environmental self-identity’s direct effect on GTB also mirrors patterns found in Van der Werff et al. (2013) and Lam et al. (2025), reinforcing its position as a stable predictor of sustainable behavior. Yet this study highlights a nuance: self-identity’s influence grows stronger when individuals perceive their actions as publicly visible. This social visibility dynamic, while hinted at by Josiassen and Assaf (2013), had not been tested explicitly in a travel context until now. Our moderation findings align with social signaling theories (Benitez et al. 2020) by showing that public recognition conditions the strength of internal drivers like identity. The confirmed moderated mediation model further nuances self-concept theory (Rogers 1959, Gecas 1982), illustrating how internal self-perceptions and social cues jointly shape behavior. Unlike intention-focused models (e.g., Geng et al. 2017), this approach captures how emotion, identity, and social observation weave together, offering a more layered understanding of green travel decisions.

An interesting point of these findings is the cross-cultural dimension. An urban environment in Pakistan, ranked as fast-moving, with a growing transport infrastructure, and newly formed social standards in sustainability, provides an environment in which emotional and social motives work in the opposite way as found in Western cities. As an illustration, eco-guilt can have stronger moral overtures in collectivist societies whereas perceived social noticeability may be heightened in high population settings where other observable behavior is more manifested. Such contextual processes imply that interventions targeting environmental change through identity use should possibly be culturally modified, including recognition of differences in social exposure, religious structuring of responsibility, and social recognition systems.

Theoretical implications

This study extends self-concept theory into the urban mobility domain, illustrating how emotional triggers, identity development, and social visibility coalesce to shape GTB. Although prior literature acknowledges eco-guilt as an emotional motivator (Chen et al. 2024), its mediating path through self-identity had not been empirically confirmed within transportation contexts. By identifying environmental self-identity as the bridge between eco-guilt and behavior, the research offers a novel lens that moves beyond the well-trodden rational-intention route outlined in the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen 1991).

Additionally, integrating perceived social visibility as a moderator sharpens theoretical understanding of when and how self-identity translates into observable behavior. Unlike general social norms or peer influence explored in works like Ru et al. (2018), perceived visibility is about individual-level perception rather than shared group norms. This distinction is important for environmental psychology, as it suggests identity-driven behaviors are more sensitive to individual perceptions of being observed rather than collective expectations.

By situating the research within a developing-country context, specifically urban Pakistan, the study also broadens the geographical relevance of self-concept theory. Most existing research has focused on Western or East Asian settings (Green et al. 2021, Luo et al. 2022, Zhang et al. 2024a), often overlooking the unique socioeconomic and infrastructural conditions of emerging economies. This contributes to a more global, context-sensitive understanding of sustainable travel behavior.

Practical implications

These findings provide clear actionable advice to the policy makers and secretaries of urban planning. The conventional methods of awareness campaigns tend to believe that merely informing people will cause them to change but this research indicates that there should be more efforts placed on the emotional appeal or appeal to eco-guilt in a manner such that it will bring about a sense of an ESI. As an example, transport governments may launch custom carbon footprint feedback through the use of apps or even the use of transport ticketing systems, which point out the effect of personal transportation on the environment, which is already indicated in studies of digital behavior (Zhang et al. 2024a).

Social visibility also plays an important role in this stimulation of sustainable movement. The policy makers need to invest more in actions that would make green travelling choices more “visible” and “rewarding” to the society. The link between ESI and behavior can be established through urban design interventions like color-coded eco-lanes, branded shared bicycles, or neighborhood leaderboards for green travel statistics (Cao 2021). This can help not only in creating a stronger visibility, but also in promoting collective enthusiasm and social norms for green mobility. Importantly, these recommendations apply not just in Pakistan but across other developing urban settings facing similar infrastructure and social challenges. Besides, these can be applied to other urban environments with similar infrastructural and social problems. It will however entail capacity of local governance and need of resources to be implemented. Other than direct needs, such efforts can be more effectually introduced as pilot projects or by partnering with businesses so they can be gradually introduced and adjusted by the existing urban management systems.

Limitations and future research

Similar to any empirical research, this study has a number of limitations. First, the cross-sectional design limits causal inferences. Even though the effects of mediation and moderation were statistically proven, longitudinal studies would serve as a better source to understand the temporal development of eco-guilt and self-identity. Furthermore, it can be proposed to include objective data about mobility, e.g., GPS-based travel history or use of a transport card, to have a more accurate estimate of real patterns of green travel and decrease the level of self-report bias. Second, albeit the sample was also representative of different Pakistani cities, the results may not be applicable to a rural context or to nations that have a much lower cultural norm related to environmental responsibility. The third limitation is that it is based on self-reported measures, which can create social desirability bias. Possible future research could incorporate objective indicators of travel behavior, e.g., GPS location or records of using public transport to cross-verify the results.

Last, the perceived social visibility was identified as one of the moderators in this study. Further studies on other social-contextual determinants (peer group norms or cues on social media) could be conducted by future studies. Also, the perceived social visibility should be expected to be different depending on the cultural environment. The moderating effect can be stronger in societies that do focus on social approval and interdependence (which are collectivism), or may be weaker in more individualistic ones. The future studies would therefore make use of comparative or cross-cultural designs to study the effect of cultural norms on the visibility behavior relationship under the self-concept framework.

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